mikeldunham

Mikel Dunham's new article in The Daily Beast: "In Nepal, Winter is Coming"

 

November 1, 2015

 

In Nepal the Pols Play Their Game of Thrones, But Winter Is Coming

 

More than six months after the earthquake that devastated Nepal, the government has yet to begin disbursing $4.1 billion in aid, and cold is settling in.

 

KATHMANDU, Nepal—I was here in Kathmandu when the earthquake hit on April 25, 2015, just over six months ago, and I witnessed the instantaneous resilience of the local population – the civic engagement of people from all walks of life – young and old, rich and poor, rolling up their sleeves in a united effort to remove rubble from trapped victims. There were no political motives that day. In the devastated streets of the capital, there were only nameless Nepalis trying to relieve the suffering of fellow nameless Nepalis.

 

In spite of the horror, I was proud to experience humanity in its finest hour. But the story since has not been so edifying. In fact, it’s been shameful

 

Last April, the moment the news of the earthquake broke, governments, institutions and individuals from all over the world rushed to Nepal’s assistance, either through direct relief efforts or donations. In the end, the international community – both public and private – pledged over $4.1 billion dollars to implement relief and reconstruction here.

 

Every penny was needed: Nepal is one of the poorest countries in the world. And in addition to the 7.6 magnitude earthquake in April, a second 7.3 quake struck Nepal on May 12. The combined devastation resulted in almost 9,000 deaths, with many more thousands injured, and a third of Nepal’s population – approximately eight million people – having their lives disrupted in one serious way or another. An estimated 850,000 homes were either destroyed or badly damaged. In some districts, over 90 percent of the buildings were flattened.

 

In the immediate aftermath, the Nepal Army’s response to the crisis was particularly outstanding, eclipsing the civilian government’s efforts to provide leadership. Other nations’ militaries joined forces under the supervision of the Nepal Army’s disaster relief operation “Sankat Mochan.” The Indian Army played the most significant international role. The United Nations and other major non-governmental organizations dove in, helping to pick up the slack left by a seemingly directionless political administration.

 

In June, finally, the government proposed a bill that would establish the National Reconstruction Authority (NRA), a body slated to handle the disbursement of the $4.1 billon that had poured in from international well wishers.

 

And then nothing happened.

 

As unbelievable as this may sound, as of today, the NRA is still not operational and the $4.1 billion have not been distributed.

             

When this became apparent, donors expressed outrage and the government, by way of excusing itself, explained that there had been a “parliamentary oversight”: There was a time limitation to vote on the bill and the government had simply forgotten to enact it, thus inadvertently allowing the NRA deadline to lapse.

 

Analysts beg to differ.  The reason the National Reconstruction Authority was “forgotten” was because the leaders of the Constituent Assembly, widely referred to as the CA, had put their priorities elsewhere. Come hell or high water or earthquakes they meant to stay focused on the CA’s primary responsibility, the completion of the new constitution.

 

There was an irony here:  For nearly eight years, the CA had dragged its feet and allowed itself to be distracted by inter-political haggling, thus failing to draft a new charter. But by early 2015, the completion of the constitution was put on the fast track and the politicians suddenly became hell-bent on getting the draft approved. With that accomplished, a new government could immediately be formed and then it could be established what to do about earthquake relief and – not so incidentally – which party would hold the reins of NRA disbursement. 

 

Last month, I interviewed the originally designated CEO of the National Reconstruction Authority, Govinda Raj Pokharel. His frustration was evident.  Members of Parliament “cannot always accuse the government, because they are also responsible. That – blaming someone else – is our biggest challenge and that will bring chaos,” sad Pokharel. “All these broken societies – many single women, orphans and many others – many unwanted social activities can happen, which can destabilize our rural system. People will migrate and there will be less production in rural areas. That will be the negative side of not managing reconstruction activities well.”

 

As of today, Pokharel remains in limbo about the status of his job. In the second week of October, the old Nepali Congress Party’s leadership was scuttled and a new government was installed, headed by a new prime minister, KP Sharma Oli. Oli is the chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) and it seems likely that someone from his party will replace Pokharel. In Nepali politics, continuity always plays second fiddle to shoring up a party’s power base.

 

The point is this: Because of the Constituent Asslembly’s preoccupation with completing the constitution writing, the earthquake disaster was kept on the backburner. Reconstruction funds were frozen from the get-go and, even worse, remain frozen today.

People who lost their homes have received little aid beyond an initial $150 per-household government payout. They were promised $2,000, but until the legitimate status of the NRA is established, no additional funds can go out.

 

Likewise, because of the NRA fiasco, building codes for new construction have been slow to be published, creating mounting frustration for those – including NGOs – who would like to get started on new construction before winter sets in. In the absence of clear guidelines, no one really knows what the government’s support for reconstruction will look like. To give but one example, last month a major Indian NGO abandoned its plans to build 100 health posts because the Nepal government insisted on “lavish” demands including marble floors and granite work surfaces. Someone in the bureaucracy was trying to get rich on the down low.

           

 

Why would the Nepal government sideline earthquake relief efforts in favor of promulgating a new constitution? The answer requires some historical backtracking.

 

At the end of the 10-year conflict with the Maoists, the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed, which highlighted social reform, giving a big nod to minority groups – particularly the Madhesi and Tharus in the south, who constitute approximately 40 percent of Nepal’s population. In 2008, the provisional government endorsed an eight-point agreement with ethnic minorities, accepting their demands for increased representation through a federal structure with autonomous regions – although no one pretended to know how these federal states might look on a map.

 

Then, after the historical 2008 elections in which the Maoists prevailed, the CA declared Nepal to be a federal democratic republic. The monarchy was abolished. A new charter was to be drafted and promulgated within two years. That was the mandate. During those two years, the CA would come to an agreement as to how “federalism” in Nepal would be defined.

 

It didn’t happen.

 

As Minister of Commerce and Supplies Sunil Bahadur Thapa explained to me in my recent interview with him that the CA drifted away from a true democratic process almost immediately:

“It went wrong after the 2008 elections,” he said. “Of course the Maoists were in total command of the CA. No doubt about it. But I’m speaking about all the major political parties. The party leaders did not take their own MPs or CA members into their confidence, when beginning the writing of a new constitution. All the decision-making took place outside the CA building. The formulation of a new constitution took place in private homes. If I remember correctly, there were only 16 to 20 people who were really involved in writing the constitution – this out of 601 CA members. Of these 16 to 20 people, only 10 were elected members of the CA. The rest of the “writers” were people who were defeated in the elections. That was one of the major mistakes that the political parties made. To make matters worse, the issues that people in the south had fought for were never introduced in the CA for discussion.”

 

Fast-forward to 2015. The earthquakes put Nepal under the international klieg lights. In a sense, the country had two runaway trains to deal with. One was created by Mother Nature. The other was man-made, spearheaded by the leaders of the three main political parties, carving the country into federal states.

 

The international community (except for China, which kept mum) cautioned the leaders to slow down a little, to take more time and rethink the manner in which they were delineating the boundaries of the federal states – particularly around the traditionally marginalized communities in the south.

 

Nepal’s leading politicians cried “foul” and warned the international community – particularly India, which has long (and deservedly) had the reputation of being Nepal’s overbearing neighbor – to stay out of Nepal’s internal affairs. The party leaders, successfully playing the nationalist card, raised their heads high and frog-marched the charter to its September 20^th promulgation.

 

Then came a predictable, and predicted, response. The southern minority groups felt betrayed and struck back at the Kathmandu-centric power structure. They blockaded the Indian border crossings, which prevented essential items –petroleum products being the most important – from entering the landlocked nation of Nepal. 

 

India poured salt on the wound by instructing its Border Security Force to hold up trucks attempting to make their way into Nepal.  The Indian blockade was and is not an “official” one, according to India. New Delhi claims it is only concerned about the safety of trucks coming into Nepal from its side of the border. 

 

The vast majority of Nepalis find India’s explanation ludicrous and insulting as Nepalis who lost everything during the earthquakes – continue silently subsisting in makeshift dwellings.

 

Summer is the monsoon season in Nepal. This year, heavy downpours washed away crucial roads, which, in turn, eliminated rescue operations from reaching remote and even not-so-remote areas hardest hit by the earthquakes that hit in the late spring. There was no question of being able to construct new buildings during the monsoon. The most one could do was to distribute tarps and corrugated metal roofing to fend off the rains until September.

 

But just when the skies began to clear, the blockades were imposed, thereby eliminating the ability of vehicles to deliver fuel, supplies and construction materials to the devastated areas. As a result, the odds of helping earthquake victims before the onset of winter grow worse by the day. Without fuel, over 80,000 families in dire need of durable shelter and numerous relief items have been stranded and left wondering how they will survive the impending cold weather.

 

Fuel scarcity has spread to all sectors. The government has imposed strict limitations on the amount of petrol Nepalis can buy at any one time. The waiting lines stretch back kilometers. The price of fuel has skyrocketed and the black market is thriving. Some people have reported buying petrol ten times the regular price. Likewise, cooking gas is all but unavailable, prompting even well heeled families to resort to wood-burning stoves. As a result, in some areas, protected forests are being cut for firewood.

 

Food prices have become wildly inflated, in some cases as much as 100 percent. Medical supplies are running out at the hospitals. Ambulances can no longer operate. Schools have been shut. Businesses have closed their doors. Internet services, which require generators during load-sharing hours, are threatening to halt services. Construction materials have soared in price.

 

Tourism, which accounts for a significant percentage of Nepal’s GDP, has all but evaporated; Chinese Eastern Airlines cancelled all flights to Nepal, citing the unavailability of aviation fuel at the Kathmandu airport, and Chinese tourists have evanesced. The economy is bleeding in every direction. It is Nepal’s number one preoccupation.

 

Even if the blockades were lifted tomorrow and fuel became easily available, even if the government reinstated the NRA overnight – two very unlikely scenarios – many experts say it is already too late to “winterize” the most remote areas in Nepal. The window before winter arrives in Nepal has now narrowed down to one or two more weeks at most.

 

According to a statement issued last month by the U.N. Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Nepal, “It is of critical importance to deliver supplies to the trailheads by the end of October, as the passes in the Himalayas will be at increased risk of being blocked by snowfall." That clock is still ticking.

 

A backlog of 1,200 metric tons of shelter and non-food items is already stuck in storage warehouses, unable to reach targeted earthquake communities – first because of the monsoons and now because of the scarcity of fuel. The recent monsoons limited road and air delivery to remote regions. With winter arriving within the next fortnight, it will be a race to get even these pre-arranged relief packages delivered to the intended villages before the first big snow storm. 

 

The devastated communities know only too well that time is running out for them. They  survived the monsoon, but sub-zero temperatures and snow-blocked mountain passes will be far more challenging  – particularly for the elderly, children and pregnant women. Cold-related illnesses are inevitable. People are going to freeze to death in Nepal this winter. The question is: how many? Communication options are so limited that we may not really know until spring.

 

Meanwhile, southern unrest continues, and politicians – inside and outside the nation’s borders – scramble to secure short-term victories, the victims of the earthquakes stare at their watches and check the temperature outside.

 

Winter is coming. Death is coming. 

 

link here to The Daily Beast site

 

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Desperately needed fuel from China arrives in Nepal

 

November 1, 2015

 

 

The first tankers carrying gasoline from China have arrived in Nepal after India restricted fuel convoys as a result of political protests in the Himalayan nation.

 

“Three tankers of the Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) brought 9,000 liters of petrol each," Deputy Superintendent of the Nepal Police Abdesh Bista told Xinhua.

 

Another nine left for China yesterday and were expected to return with fuel later in the day.

 

 

 

 

 

Spokesperson for NOC Deepak Baral told reporters in Rasuwa that, of 1,000 metric tons of petrol granted by China, Nepal will collect the remaining fuel within a week.

 

Although the tankers have the capacity to carry 12,000 litres of gasoline each, they were only filled with 9,000 litres because of road conditions in the mountainous terrain, he added.

 

China is giving Nepal 1.3 million litres of gasoline to help it deal with a severe fuel crisis caused by an Indian blockade.

 

Nepal also entered into an unprecedented agreement with China last week for the commercial import of a third of Nepal's fuel demand, ending more than four decades of supply monopoly by India, after supplies from the country did not improve despite repeated diplomatic efforts.

 

"The Nepalese government plans to purchase one third of its total demand for petroleum products from China in the coming days," Mahesh Maskey, the country's ambassador to China, told Xinhua Saturday evening."We will soon finalize the technical modalities," he said.

 

Despite sporadic instances of some fuel trickling into Nepal, India has effectively blockaded the Himalayan nation since September 20 leading to crippling shortages of gasoline, diesel, cooking gas, and aviation fuel.

 

The blockade started when Nepal adopted a new constitution, ignoring India's wishes that the adoption be postponed to address the demands of protesting Madhesi people who have cultural, linguistic and social ties with India.

 

India denies it has blockaded Nepal and has blamed anti-constitution protests by Madhesis for the obstruction.

a bridge preventing trucks from moving in, to other crossings, where traffic is flowing more smoothly. Still, only a third of the regular supply has been reinstated, Indian and Nepalese officials say. 

 

 

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Profile: Nanda Bahadur Pun, former commander of Maoists’ rebel army named Nepal’s new Vice President

 

October 31, 2015

 

Nanda Bahadur Pun, (better known during the 10-year civil war as  “Comrade Pasang”), was elected today as Nepal’s new Vice President.

 

He is 50 years old and a member of the Central Committee of the Maoists’ party UCPN.

 

Until today, Pun has never held public office, despite his party being in power twice in the last seven years. He has a secondary education.

 

Pun was born on 23 October 1965 in Bhanbhane, Rangsi VDC-9 of Rolpa. He is the son of Ramsur and Manasara Pun, the fourth among seven children. 

 

In 1981, while still a teenager, Pun became involved with radical student politics. He joined the All Nepal National Free Students Union (ANNFSU) “Sixth”. The ANNFSU, founded in 1965, is a politically based student organization, associated with the pro-China trend of the Nepalese communist movement.

 

In 1979 ANNFSU split into two groups: the ANNFSU (Fifth), which was tied to the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist), and the ANNFSU (Sixth), which was connected to the Communist Party of Nepal (Fourth Convention). Pun joined the latter.

 

During the 1980s, Pun became a district committee member of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unity Center). In 1990, he became the first district president of the newly formed Young Communist League (YCL). This was an armed front of the Unity Center formed to aggressively counter activities of the then ruling Nepali Congress party, which was filing cases against Pun’s party.

 

When the party divided in 1994, Pun sided with the wing that would become the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The YCL – at that time known as Ladak u Dal (Fighting Force) was then converted into a militia.

 

The Ladak u Dal took part in the launching of the “People's War” with the night attack of a police post in Holeri on 13 February 1996. Pun was there, acting as an assistant commander under Barsha Man Pun, aka “Ananta”. 

 

Click here for my 2011 interview with "Comrade Ananta"

  

Nanda Bahadur Pun’s rise through the Maoist military ranks was steady and rapid.

 

In 2001, when Ladak u Dal became the “People’s Liberation Army” (PLA), Pun was made commander of the first battalion. He takes credit for having been involved with most of the PLA’s major attacks in Western Nepal against security forces – a decade-long conflict that resulted in the deaths of more than 16,000 Nepalis.

 

Pun was named chief commander of PLA in 2008, two years after the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) was signed.

 

As part of the peace agreement, the ex-guerrillas were sequestered in cantonments scattered across Nepal – at least in theory – until the soldiers’ re-integration into society could be established.

 

Maoist leadership demanded that their high-ranking commandos be given officer status in the Nepal Army (NA).

 

The NA rejected this out-of-hand because their officers training and education met the highest international standards, while the guerillas had received virtually no professional training during their 10 years of underground fighting. The Maoists pressed back, insisting that Pun be given the rank of general in the NA, to no avail. The NA’s insistence on maintaining internationally-accepted army standards prevailed.

 

In the end, Pun took voluntary “retirement” and turned his attention to the political arena.

 

In November 2013, national Constituent Assembly elections were held in Nepal. Pun ran for a slot as a UCPN-Maoist party candidate in the Kathmandu-4 sector. Pun lost to the young and very popular Nepali Congress party leader Gagan Thapa.

 

Interestingly, shortly before the election, Pun posted a 23-minute self-promotional video on youtube entitled Who is Nanda Kishor Pun ‘Pasang’?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Click here for Pun's youtube video 

 

 

 

 

 

Pun has sought to be taken seriously as a political force ever since. He doesn’t shy away from self-promotion. In 2014 alone he posted 10 videos of himself on youtube. 

 

In Nepal, the Vice-Presidency is vested with little real responsibility other than functioning as Head of State in the absence of the President. Likewise, the President’s role is primarily ceremonial, most often being described as the “protector of the Constitution.”

 

It is the Prime Minister who wields the real power in Nepal’s government.

 

Health-wise, it should be noted that Vice-President Pun has suffered failure of both of his kidneys. Up until now, he has declined going abroad for treatment, preferring to get medical help within the boundaries of Nepal.

 

The election results showed that Pun had beat out his Nepali Congress opponent, Amiya Kumar Yadav 325 to 212, a solid margin of 113 votes. Lawmakers from Madhesi parties protesting against the new constitution abstained from voting.

 

Unlike former Vice-President Prachanda Jha, Pun is outspokenly anti-Indian.

 

 

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American Embassy press release: US to train nearly 300,000 Nepalis on building safe houses in Nepal

 

October 30, 2015

 

 

 

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Profile: Nepal elects its first woman President, Bidhya Devi Bhandari

 

October 28, 2015

 

 

Today, Bidhya Devi Bhandari became the first woman president in Nepal’s history.

 

Bidhya is Vice-president of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) – UML. She is 54.

 

Her childhood was spent in Bhojpur District in eastern Nepal, the daughter of Ram Bahadur Pande and Mithila Pande. In her early adulthood she became an active female cadre of the UML.

 

In August 1982. Bidhya married Madan Kumar Bhandari, the general secretary of the UML.

 

 

 

 

Life dramatically changed for her when, on 16 May 1993, her husband died (along with another UML leader, Jeev Raj Ashrit) in a still unexplained car accident. Many believed at the time that the two men were not victims of an accident, but rather were murdered –assassinated by political opponents. The government formed a probe committee and deemed the accident as non-suspicious. However, ten years later, the suspicion of a possible conspiracy again gained popularity, when the driver and only survivor of the crash was murdered in Kirtipur.

 

In the bi-election that followed Madan Kumar Bhandari’s death, his widow was fielded as a candidate by the UML and won. Bidhya’s detractors dismissed her victory as a result of the sympathy factor, but this was dispelled when she went on to win in the two following elections of 1994 and 1999.

 

In the following years, Bidhya became a major voice for women’s rights.

 

In 2006, she was pivotal in a proposal submitted to the House of Representatives that would end all forms of discrimination against women.

 

In 2012, Bidhya was elected the chairperson of the UML’s sister wing All Nepal Women Association (ANWA). Founded in 1950, ANWA is Nepal’s largest national women’s organization.

 

In July of 2015, Bidhya – as spokesperson for ANWA – praised the draft for paving the way for equal participation of women in all areas of the government. The charter was promulgated on 20 September. It demands that 1) one-third of the members in parliament have to be women and 2) either the president or the vice president must be a woman.

 

Bidhya replaces Nepal’s first president, Ram Baran Yadav, who was elected in 2008 after a decade-long Maoist insurgency that ultimately resulted in the abolishment of Nepal’s 240-year-old monarchy.

 

It should be added that lawmakers from the four Madhesi parties, who are currently protesting the new constitution, abstained from participating in today’s election.

 

 

 

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Success of Nepal’s Deputy Prime Minister’s visit to Delhi nebulous

 

October 20, 2015

 

 

In spite of smiling press shots and optimistic sound bites, Deputy Prime Minister Kamal Thapa’s meetings with Indian leaders during his 3-day visit to Delhi, were lackluster and not impressive. His mission was to clear the way for ending the Indian “informal” blockade of petroleum products. This did not happen.

 

Thapa did his best to paint a rosy picture. Among other things, he claims to have boosted India-Nepal ties. In an interview with ANI, he said that he was “…quite optimistic. I think this visit has been able to clear the air of mistrust and misunderstanding and it has also prepared the ground for further strengthening of bilateral ties."

 

There is no evidence from the Indian government to support his claim. Quite the opposite.

 

For instance, during his meeting with Indian External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, Thapa expressed concern over the obstruction of supplies from India, to which Swaraj pointed the finger right back at him, saying, "reduced or closure was due to the obstructions on the Nepalese side by the disaffected section of the Nepalese population."

 

On Sunday when he met Home Minister Rajnath Singh and broached the subject of the blockade, sources said the Home Minister advised the Nepal deputy minister to do whatever was needed “to allay the apprehensions of the Madhesis.” Indian seemed to be sticking to their claim that their country was not at fault.

 

To this ear, it doesn’t sound like Thapa had “cleared the air of mistrust and misunderstanding.”

 

After meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday morning, Thapa said that he was confident after receiving assurances from Mr. Modi that the blockade would not last long. But who can verify that statement? Mr. Modi certainly did not go on record with such a promise. There was a brief statement issued from the Prime Minister’s Office, but in no way did it assure Nepal that the blockade would soon be over:

 

"The Prime Minister reiterated that India's only desire is to see a united, inclusive, stable and prosperous Nepal, and that India is committed to strengthening the traditional bonds of friendship and kinship with the people of Nepal."

 

Pretty diplomatic words meaning nothing.

 

As Thapa was departing from Delhi’s Indira Gandhi International Airport, he told The Hindu, “A committee for dialogue with the Madhesi leaders has been set up by Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli. But, we are unable to find an end to the blockade right away. We need India’s support to end the blockade.”

 

And that clearly did not happen during his trip.

 

Although some of the eastern and western supply routes to Nepal have witnessed better vehicular movements, bringing temporary relief, the main supply route of Birganj which connects Kathmandu with the world economy remains blocked, causing serious difficulties for the economic heart of Nepal.

 

 

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Calcutta Telegraph: Interesting take on near-future Indo-Nepali relations

 

October 14, 2015

 

 

While Nepali tension eased slightly Tuesday – 63 trucks carrying some kind of fuel crossed the Jogbani border into Nepal, the government began issuing gasoline for private vehicles, and authorities re-opened the Tibet-Nepal Jilung crossing, which had been damaged by April’s crippling earthquake (not a fuel route) – rattled Indo-Nepali relations continue to inform almost everything that is going on in Kathmandu. Some would argue that it's the only story in town . Below is an article from the Calcutta Telegraph, published yesterday, that lays out a non-hysterical near-future scenario between Delhi and Nepal’s new prime minister.

 

New Delhi, Oct. 12: At 9am today, when Indian ambassador Ranjit Rae arrived at the home of new Nepal Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, his hands held a bouquet of flowers, his face carried a smile and his lips bore a request: to visit New Delhi soon.

 

For weeks before Sunday when Oli was elected in Nepal's Parliament as Prime Minister, New Delhi had publicly locked horns with Kathmandu's political elite, criticising Nepal for a fresh constitution that triggered protests in its plains bordering India. And Oli, a communist leader who led accusations that India was blockading the land-locked country to force it to amend its constitution, had emerged the epitome of bilateral tensions.

 

But Oli's election yesterday, coupled with a stunning backlash of public sentiment against India in the hills surrounding Kathmandu, has forced a sharp recalibration by New Delhi in its approach towards its northern neighbour.

 

The shift is in part forced by necessity, officials said, because India could not afford to be ignoring or distancing itself from a democratically elected PM in Nepal.

 

Hope too is driving the change in approach - sections in India's foreign policy establishment have argued that Oli, who was traditionally friendly to New Delhi, had adopted a hard-line posture in order to emerge a favourite in domestic politics to become PM. Now that he has taken office, the reality on the need for better ties with India should soften his positions, this section of diplomats is arguing.

 

But a slow recognition is also dawning within some in the ministry of external affairs (MEA) that, as with its snubs to the Maldives earlier this year, India's repeated public criticism of Nepal may no longer present the best strategy for New Delhi.

 

"The foreign ministry needs to understand, that as far as Nepal is concerned, the script is the same - only the actors have changed," Sangeeta Thapliyal, professor of Inner Asian Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University told The Telegraph. "This was always a crisis that could have been managed - and with Oli's election, there is a possibility of a resolution."

 

With the Maldives, India called off a planned visit by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in March after the Indian Ocean archipelago arrested former President Mohammed Nasheed and quickly convicted him on charges of terrorism.

 

Maldives foreign minister Dunya Maumoon - niece of current President Abdulla Yameen - had already announced Modi's visit and New Delhi's decision left Male upset and humiliated.

 

Despite diplomatic pressure from India, the Maldives went ahead in the following months with an amendment to its constitution that allows foreigners to purchase territory on its islands - triggering worries in New Delhi that Beijing could gobble up land for a military base.

 

Though Yameen initially agreed to commute Nasheed's sentence to house arrest, he was rearrested in August. And last month, the Maldives offered China a slice of the Male International Airport project that was originally contracted to Indian firm GMR - an agreement that was cancelled later by Yameen's predecessor who was supported at the time by the current President.

 

Amid recognition of dwindling diplomatic returns, foreign minister Sushma Swaraj visited the country on Saturday, resurrecting a government-to-government discussion mechanism that was lying dormant for 15 years, and assuring Male of New Delhi's full support.

 

Yameen's office made a point of mentioning in its press release that the Maldives President told the Indian foreign minister male would not accept foreign interference - a part of their conversation the MEA here did not mention.

 

India's response to Oli's election captures a similar rethink in strategy - though New Delhi's goals remain the same - senior officials admitted.

 

Three weeks after Nepal promulgated its new constitution, India is yet to unambiguously congratulate Kathmandu on the document.

 

Instead, it issued no fewer than five statements calling on Nepal's leadership to engage in talks with the Madhesi and Tharu communities that dominate the country's plains to resolve the dispute over the constitution.

 

But over the past 24 hours, New Delhi has emphasized its "special" relationship with Kathmandu in congratulating Oli. New Delhi would have preferred outgoing Prime Minister Sushil Koirala of the Nepali Congress to return to power.

 

But on Sunday evening, Modi dialled Oli before any other world leader, and acknowledged the new PM had been elected in "democratic and orderly elections."

 

"Prime Minister expressed the hope and expectation that Shri Oli will carry all sections of the society along, so that there is peace and stability in the country," the foreign office here said in a statement. "We are confident that the Government of Nepal will address the remaining political issues confronting the country in a spirit of dialogue and reconciliation."

 

Modi also invited Oli to visit India at the earliest - a trip that officials said may materialize immediately after elections in Bihar where Kathmandu's response to Madhesi demands is a sensitive subject.

 

 

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Aid organization abandons plans to build 100 health posts in earthquake-stricken Nepal after its government insisted on ‘lavish’ demands including marble floors and granite work surfaces

 

October 13, 2015

 

"Harsh" terms and conditions and "way too lavish" guidelines by quake-hit Nepal has forced an Indian NGO to abandon its ambitious reconstruction plans for the Himalayan country.

 

The NGO, Bhartiya Jain Sanghatna (BJS), which was planning to build 100 health posts in the country, has now wound up its operations after the authorities refused to tone down the stiff conditions. (For more information about BJS, see below.)

 

BJS head Shantilal Muttha said the guidelines laid down by the Ministry of Health and Planning had made it an "insurmountable challenge" to complete the task and has also raised the issue with the Indian embassy in Kathmandu.

 

He said the list of facilities, which were required to be incorporated in the project, were "way too lavish". These, he said, included granite finish on all tops of work counters, besides heating, ventilation and air-conditioning (HVAC) systems.

 

Other facilities the Nepalese authorities wanted to be included were marble floor for corridors, waiting spaces and staircase treads, besides carpets in the office space and conference room, solar heating system, solar back-up generators, hospital waste management plan and fire safety considerations.

 

"The MoHP has mandated the provision of certain facilities for a health post which are practically impossible for an NGO to fulfill while providing reconstruction services free of cost. As per our survey/records/photographs even the existing healthcare services in Nepal do not provide such facilities through a health post.

 

"The Nepal authorities also put the onus of taking a public hearing on us in the village we intended to build the posts. How can we do that in a foreign country? We were left with no option, but to wind up the operation," Muttha, founder of the BJS said.

 

When contacted Dr P V Chand, In-charge of Policy, Planning and International Cooperation, Nepal, said the Ministry of Health and Planning was looking into the matter.

 

The NGO has alleged the Nepal government has also not paid any heed to its demand for exemption from import duty currently being levied at 20 per cent on prefabricated material being transported from India to the calamity-hit country.

 

"The responsibility of the selection of land for health post along with the verification of the ownership status of government-owned land has been entrusted to the implementing agency/NGO. The implementing agency is also expected to hold negotiations and public hearing for verifying the ownership status of donated land. It must arrange for a public hearing to be held where there is new construction and the acquisition of land is involved.”

 

 

BJS and its founder Shantilal G. Muttha

 

BJS's education wing, the Federation of Jain Educational Institutes (FJEI), has over 1,800 educational institutes across India within its network. Through advancing a number of educational innovations, FJEI is helping to reorient educational institutions to ensure that they are in tune with today’s world, and follows a conviction that education goes beyond only academic knowledge to also include an understanding and adoption of human values in terms of moral, ethical, spiritual and social components. Furthermore, BJS has exhibited a unique social empathy and deep understanding of the impediments on the path of development as it carries on its work. BJS has accomplished a lot in the area of disaster relief, often coupled with the rebuilding of the educational infrastructure. BJS and its workers and volunteers helped with relief efforts Mr. Mutthaattached to the Gujarat Earthquake, the Latur Earthquake, and the Tsunami that hit the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, among other disasters.  Volunteers have reached affected areas within hours of the tragedies, tons of relief materials have been brought to the scenes of destruction, hundreds of schools have been rebuilt, food, shelter and medical aid provided, and primary health centers established. In Gujarat alone, 368 schools were rebuilt, erected from the rubble in a record time of 90 days.

 

BJS’s Founder President, Shantilal G. Muttha, is a major Indian entrepreneur who became a social transformer. He is an individual of whom it has been said in the media that he “built up his own empire (both of business and social service) from virtually nothing.” For the past 20 years and more, he has ploughed a major portion of his company’s profits into the BJS.

 

 

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Nepal elects new PM; Bad News Multiplies; US advises against traveling to Nepal

 

October 11, 2015

 

Today, Nepal’s parliament chose KP Sharma Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) as the nation’s new prime minister. Born in 1952 in eastern Nepal, Oli is a secondary school dropout, who was influenced by local communist leaders as a teenager. During the 1970s and 80s, during the royalist regime, he was a prisoner, on and off, for 14 years. He subsequently became a key member of the Nepal Communist Party-Unified Marxist-Leninist (UML).

 

Oli’s election was not a surprise. His candidature had been backed by the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists, the third largest Party (with 84 members in parliament). Horse trading for plum portfolios have become the dominant guiding factors in Nepali politics over the years, not principles or ideology. Thus, UML and Maoists leaders can be expected to be rewarded with new cabinet postings, and Nepali Congress leaders will be edged out.  Once again, continuity will be stymied. In the meantime, Nepal’s post-earthquake political, economic and social crisis continues full steam ahead.

 

 

Security Message for U.S. Citizens: Kathmandu (Nepal), Fuel Shortage

Travel Health and Safety -- October 8, 2015

 

We recommend that travelers evaluate any upcoming travel plans in Nepal.  Due to the nationwide fuel shortage, due to blockages at the border with India, many of the safety measures that would normally be relied on in an emergency situation may become unavailable.  These measures include air medevacs and local hospitals.  As of today these services are still operational, but service providers are facing dwindling supplies.  If you are planning multi-day travel the situation could change drastically during your trip.  Please consider that if you are trekking in a remote area and become injured, there will be limited options for you to be rescued until the fuel situation returns to normal.  Tourist facilities continue to operate in the Kathmandu valley, but levels of service may be lower than normal.  It is estimated that the fuel situation will not return to normal until 2-3 weeks after the border supply lines are fully restored.

 

 

Former US President Jimmy Carter cancels planned trip to Nepal

 

 

 

 

 

 

Nepal, which suffered a massive natural disaster in April, has been reeling from shortage of fuel and other critical supplies after imports from India halted in a crisis linked to Nepal’s adoption of a new constitution. According to Carter’s relief organization, Habitat for Humanity, the ex-president has nevertheless cancelled his trip scheduled for November:

 

“…shortages of fuel and supplies in the region, not Carter’s health, forced the project’s cancellation. Additionally, the U.S. Embassy located in Kathmandu today issued a message recommending travelers evaluate any upcoming plans in Nepal, stating that due to the nationwide fuel shortage and blockages at the border, ‘many of the safety measures that would normally be relied on in an emergency situation may become unavailable’”.

 

 

After China Southern Air, China Eastern Airlines suspends its Nepal flights

 

 

 

 

 

On October 9, China Eastern Airlines announced temporary suspension of its Kunming-Kathmandu flights, starting from October 15 till 26. Due to the “unofficial trade blockade” imposed by India, the airline announced it would be forced to extend the flights suspension further, if necessary.

 

The tough decision was taken in response to requests made by the Nepal Oil Corporation.

 

“This is to kindly inform you all that due to the present situation of Nepal and fuel crisis, we are going to cancel more flights of Guangzhou-Kathmandu-Guangzhou effective from Sept 29 to Oct 25,” said the China Southern in its Facebook page.

 

The flights has been cancelled on the eve of Nepal’s main festival season—Dashain and Tihar—when thousands of migrant workers and other Nepalis living abroad return home to celebrate with their families.

 

 

Hospitals may be forced to shut down in one week; vital drug supplies running out

 

Dr Anjani Kumar Jha, president of the Nepal Medical Association, warned that if the fuel shortage continued for another week, hospitals would have no choice but to shut down. “Health sector is facing its worst crisis. The government should take immediate steps to resolve the crisis,” he added. Hospitals also need fuel for intensive care, surgeries and incubation, apart from running refrigerators and other medical equipment.

 

Dr Swayam Prakash Pandit, director at the Bir Hospital, said ambulances had been grounded due to acute fuel shortage. “This has restricted the movement of emergency medical workers. We have made arrangements for shuttle bus service to pick and drop the doctors,” he told The Himalayan Times. Dr Pandit said vital and emergency services had been affected yet.

 

Mrigendra Meher Shrestha, president of Nepal Chemists and Druggists Association, said drug retailers and wholesalers were running out of anesthesia, live-saving drugs and pantoprazole injections as it has not been able to transport them to pharmacies across the country. “Medicines worth crores of rupees have been stranded on the Nepal-India border due to ongoing blockade by Madhes-based parties. What is more worrisome is that we do not even have fuel to transport drugs we have in our stock to pharmacies within the capital. The government should provide us fuel so that we can transport essential drugs to pharmacies,” he said.

 

Balkrishna Khakurel, director general at the Department of Drug Administration, said the government was preparing to import medicines by plane from countries other than India. “We have also decided to provide fuel to drug distributors,” he said.

 

 

PAC orders Nepal Oil Corporation to hand over fuel import contract

 

On October 9, the Legislature-Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee (PAC) directed the Nepal Oil Corporation to expedite the process of handing over the contract on airlifting petroleum products.

 

The PAC directed the NOC to shortlist the preferred bidder and hand over the contract within few days of getting bid documents from interested parties.

 

The state-owned fuel monopoly on Thursday published a global tender notice, calling on interested parties to submit bid documents for supply of aviation turbine fuel, petrol, diesel, kerosene and LPG (cooking gas) for 15 days. Bid documents have to be submitted within three days of issuance of the tender notice.

 

During the meeting today, PAC members criticized the government for failing to do the needful to ease the supplies following the obstruction at Nepal-India border.

 

Nepali Congress lawmakers Ram Hari Khatiwada and Dhan Raj Gurung said the government side has utterly failed to make it clear whether it is a blockade imposed by India or the obstruction by the agitating Madhesi parties.

 

Khatiwada was of the opinion that the government should declare emergency if such a measure could normalize the situation.

  

 

US Council on Foreign Relations pessimistic about Nepal’s post-earthquake efforts

 

This statement was released by the Council on Foreign Relations on October 9:

 

Post-Disaster Aid: When it Works, When it Doesn’t

Nearing the six-month anniversary of Nepal’s devastating earthquake that killed more than 8,500 people, comparisons to other natural disaster relief efforts highlight the potential pitfalls of aid delivered in a governance vacuum. Thailand’s post-tsunami recovery fared well relative to others—the country’s centralized (albeit authoritarian-leaning) leadership owned the response, mostly relying on technical rather than financial assistance. In contrast, Haiti remains a cautionary tale—despite some $9 billion in relief aid 150,000 Haitians still live in “temporary” camps and the government remains fragile, as witnessed in the recent chaotic and violent parliamentary contest. Nepal appears to be heading on a similar route with the government yet to draw up a plan for spending $4.1 billion in international donations, even as three million survivors lack shelter, food, and basic medical care in one of the world’s poorest countries. With the new constitution in dispute, a political crisis brewing with India, and a worsening fuel shortage all costing the economy an estimated $1 billion, reconstruction will likely be delayed further.

 

 

 

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Nepali groundswell of anger against India continues: International flights cancelled, Indian cable TV banned, economic crisis looming

 

September 30, 2015

 

Although New Delhi pleads innocent, most Nepalis are adamant that India is punishing them by deliberately blocking their supply of essential goods – a passive-aggressive reaction to Nepal’s new constitution. Nepalis are calling it an “unofficial economic blockade” and a “communal” war. The former attorney general in Kathmandu, Yubaraj Sangraula, called the cut-off of supplies as an “act of aggression.” Nepal is almost totally dependent on India for overland supplies.

 

India has been critical of Kathmandu for rushing through the constitution, supporting the  Madhesi and Tharu communities’ claim that the new constitution does not afford them equal rights nor representation in government.

 

Whatever side one takes on the inclusiveness of the new charter, for many, the situation brings back the memory of India’s 1989 blockade, which lasted for 13 months and resulted in unprecedented political upheaval in Nepal.

 

According to Swarnim Wagle, a member of the Nepal National Planning Commission, the shortage of essential supplies will soon prove crippling. The landlocked Himalayan nation’s dependence on imports from India has increased after April’s 7.8-magnitude earthquake, which killed some 9,000 people and blocked alternative supply routes from China. “We understand the Indian view that because of security issue they cannot allow the trucks to pass,” says Wagle. “The [Nepal] government’s view is that once they come to the Nepal side, security forces will escort them inside.”

 

AIRLINES CANCEL FLIGHTS TO NEPAL

 

Yesterday, China Southern Airlines announced that is has cancelled its flights to Nepal until October 10, stating that it would not be able to fly without refueling at Kathmandu’s Tribhuvan International Airport.

 

The airport authorities on Monday sent a notice to foreign airlines flying the Nepal sector that the cutbacks would come into effect by 12 noon on Tuesday. The decision was taken in response to requests made to them by the Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC).

 

“We are sorry to inform passengers that due to jet fuel problem in Nepal, China Southern Airlines has cancelled its flight from Guangzhou-Kathmandu-Guangzhou effective from September 29 to October 10,” the airline said in its Facebook page.

 

More airlines are preparing to suspend flights to Nepal for a temporary period, according to airlines officials.

 

In regard to the October 10 resumption of flights date, Dhiraj Chandra Shrestha, deputy sales manager of China Southern, cautioned that the airline was in a “wait and see” mode.

 

The fuel shortage is likely to affect all airlines using narrow-body jets on long-haul routes and this comes at a particularly unfortunate time.

 

Owing to the upcoming festival season in Nepal, most airlines flying narrow-body aircraft are flying at full passenger and cargo-load capacities, and they will thus be hit hard. However, airlines flying wide-body aircraft, except for Turkish Airlines and Korean Air, will not be affected as much by the decision.

 

Industry insiders say that a few airlines have started to find alternative airports to refuel their tanks before arriving in Kathmandu. For example, Korean Air and Dragon Air have planned to touch down in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Turkish Airlines and Air Arabia plan to touch down in New Delhi and Lucknow, respectively.

 

For airlines flying the cross-border international sector or the short-haul sector--between Nepal and destinations like India, Bangladesh, Bhutan and China--the government has requested the airlines to fill their fuel tanks to maximum capacity in their respective takeoff points of origin, so that they don’t need to refuel at TIA.

 

INDIAN TV BANNED IN NEPAL

 

Nepal’s cable federation said it would suspend Indian television channels on Monday, accusing the neighbouring country of imposing an economic blockade and meddling in internal politics.

 

The Federation of Nepal Cable Television planned to suspend broadcasting of Indian channels in Nepal from 10 am on Tuesday, Sunil Kumar Lama, the organization’s general secretary, said.

 

“This is to protest against the blockade,” Lama said. However, he declined to state how long the suspension would last.

 

Today, the Nepal government asked the cable operators to continue the broadast of Indian TV channels and sought explanation from them for blacking out the channels. The Ministry of Information and Communications sought clarification from various cable operators as to why action must not be taken against them as they have violated the National Broadcasting Act.

 

BUSINESS CRISIS

 

Sashi Kant Agrawal, vice president of the Nepal India Chamber of Commerce and Industry (NICCI), said that the ongoing tension between the two neighbors will have negative long-term results: “The concept of importing goods from China isn’t feasible. India is our largest trading partner with two-thirds of the country’s total trade volume taking place between the two countries.”

 

The Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) Vice President Shekhar Golchha said that the ongoing political unrest has troubled the consumers as well as business enterprises: “We are almost in a death bed. Firstly, the earthquake crippled our business, followed by this political unrest. This has left us in such a situation, from where it is very difficult for an entrepreneur to bounce back.”

 

 Hari Bhakta Sharma, senior vice president of Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI), termed the current situation as the worst scenario that entrepreneurs have ever experienced in their careers: “We don’t have cash to pay workers. Even if petroleum products are made available to us, we don’t have money to purchase that.”

 

 

 

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Upheaval in Nepal: Madhesi blockades, fuel-rationing crisis, Indo-Nepali blame game, and ex-Maoist Prime Minister Bhattarai goes rogue

 

September 28, 2015

 

 

Five days ago, Maoist chief Prachanda defended the promulgation of Nepal’s new constitution by stating that it was a matter of “conscience and self respect,” adding that “We cannot bow down before anyone’s pressure or persuasion.” Presumably this was a sideswipe at the international community—particularly India – that advocated more inclusive negotiations with the southern ethnic groups in southern Nepal rather than Kathmandu politicos rushing through the new charter with their preferred seven-state federal set-up.

 

Parliamentary arrogance may now be paying the piper.

 

In the last week, Madhesi and Tharu blockades and protests have successfully interrupted petrol supplies coming in from India, which, in turn have spawned a barrage of accusations from both Indian and Nepali officials, thus intensifying pre-existing hostility between the two countries; Prime Minister Koirala was forced to cancel his trip to attend a meeting of the United Nation’s General Assembly; and last but not least, ex-Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai not only resigned from parliament in protest, but took the unprecedented step of quitting the Unified CPN-Maoist party and vowing to create his own party.

 

Current chaos put in context: Seven years in the making of a new constitution

 

The writing of a new constitution began in 2008 after the Maoist party won the national elections. Gaining parliamentary control, the Maoist-led government abolished the monarchy and proclaimed Nepal to be a republic. The people were promised a new constitution by 2010. That was not to be. Instead, an endless succession of power-grabbing fights between parties sidelined the politicians real job: to pen a charter in a timely fashion that included defining what a federal state would look like in 21^st century Nepal. The tragic 2015 earthquakes seemed to jolt parliament into action and a rapid promulgation ensued.

 

The Madhesi-Tharu conflict

 

Even before the new constitution became law, parliament’s efforts were marred by weeks of violent protests in the southern plains. Strong opposition from minority groups, particularly from the Madhesis and Tharus, arose over what they defined as centuries of marginalization and discrimination from the Kathmandu-centric political power base. In the last several weeks, over 40 people – including police – have either been bludgeoned to death, butchered, shot or set on fire. The southern groups object to the high-handed manner in which the country has been carved up into seven federal states, which, according to much of the southern population, puts them at a huge disadvantage. They want more states and representation equal to their population – an ethnic-based model of federalism – rather than the voted-in geographical model that favors the continuation of the old ruling elites. Over half of Nepal’s population resides in the south.

 

After the September 20 promulgation, southern towns struck back.

 

Protestors in Birgunj, an Indian border town and a key checkpoint for oil and food imports coming into Nepal, set up a blockade. Shiva Patel, general secretary of the regional Sadbhawana political party, told AFP, "We blocked the crossing overnight and we will not budge until the government listens to us and makes changes to these new [federal] borders in the constitution.” Normally, hundreds of trucks and oil tankers from India would pass through the Birgunj checkpoint overnight. That has been stopped. "The blockade is our last resort to make the government understand our demands," Patel added.

The movement of cargo through other border checkpoints has also significantly decreased.

 

 

 

 

 

On September 23, due to the upheaval in southern Nepal, Prime Minister Sushil Koirala announced that he was canceling his scheduled trip to a meeting at the United Nation’s General Assembly. Instead, on Saturday, he made a trip to Tikapur, the site of particularly gruesome carnage on August 24. Tikapur, located in Kailali District, has been fuming and in fear since then. The PM made the trip accompanied by Nepal Army Chief Rajendra Chhetri.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

To complicate matters, in Rautahat District, members of the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF), Nepal Sadbhawana Party and other Madhesi parties have staged four days of demonstrations at the Nepal-India border near Gaur, the district headquarters of Rautahat.  The protesters staged a sit-in at the bordering bridge between Gaur and Bairgania (in the Indian district of Bihar). Cargo vehicles from India have come to a complete halt.

 

Who’s to blame for the blockades?

 

The blame-game between India and Nepal is in full swing. According to Reuters, India has accused the Nepalese government of being responsible because Nepal allows cargo trucks and oil tankers to travel unescorted: “ ‘Our freight forwarders and transporters... [have] voiced complaints about the difficulties they are facing in movement within Nepal and their security fears, due to the prevailing unrest,’ said New Delhi in a statement released Friday. … ‘Nepalese leadership needs to address the causes underlying the present state of confrontation credibly and effectively. Issues of differences should be resolved.’"

 

On the other hand, Shishir Dhungana, the director-general of customs in Nepal, blames India, saying that “toughened Indian security measures are also slowing down trade. ‘Things have slowed down because Indian customs and security officials are carrying out more checks than usual,’ he said.”

 

Fuel Crisis

 

Whoever bears the responsibility for the standstill, the fact remains that Nepal’s petrol supply has dwindled due to the continuous obstruction of products coming in from India and is now approaching crisis level.

 

Beginning today, Nepal Oil Corporation (the state-owned monopoly) will enforce rationing of petroleum products, fixing quotas for different vehicles. Two-wheelers will get three liters and private cars 10 liters per week. Microbuses will get 15 liters, minibuses 20 liters and bigger public vehicles including school buses will get 30 liters per day.

 

The Ministry of Home Affairs has enforced an odd-even license plates system of fuel distribution on alternate days. “Fuel stations will mark stamp on the bill book to implement the ration system properly,” said Nepal Oil Corporation spokesman Deepak Baral.

 

Additionally, international airlines have been asked to refuel their planes at airports abroad, citing insufficient stocks at the NOC’s Tribhuvan International Airport depot in Kathmandu.

 

According to Jib Raj Koirala, joint-secretary at the Ministry of Commerce and Supplies, “Additional measures will be taken if the supply obstruction persists.”

 

The Home Ministry asked the public to adopt austerity measures in consumption of petroleum products until supply returns to normal, requesting the people not to keep stock. Considering the possibility of black-marketing in the crisis situation, the government has also warned of strong legal actions against petrol pumps and other stakeholders if they are found causing artificial shortages.

 

 

 

 

Meanwhile, according to Kathmandu Post, NOC said it would provide limited supply of petroleum products to private petrol pumps starting Tuesday if the Indian Oil Company (IOC) continues to halt supply. According to the NOC, the IOC has halted fuel products supply for the past two days and it has not been informed whether it will resume supply from Sunday. Many NOC oil tankers are said to have reached Raxaul to bring in petrol, diesel and other products. NOC Managing Director Gopal Bahadur Khadka said government-run petrol pumps would get enough supply from Tuesday but private gas stations would get limited stocks.

 

Nepal LP Gas Industries Association said on Saturday that none of the refueling plants has cooking gas stock due to the “embargo” imposed by India. In a notice, the Association said many gas bullets loaded from IOC’s refinery plants have been stranded in India and there has not been new loading of gas from IOC depots since Friday. It has also requested the government to ensure smooth supply of the cooking gas.

 

Ex-Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai goes rogue

 

On September 26, Bhattarai resigned from his party and parliament, days after announcing his support for protesters fighting to bring changes to a new constitution.

 

Bhattarai explained at Saturday’s press conference: "Effective from today’s date, I have resigned from all obligations, responsibilities at all levels as well as general membership of the UCPN Maoists. …There is no option of returning to a house you have left, an old house, a damaged house. …I will now do what I can as a citizen of this country... as long as I am alive I will work for the country and the people.”

 

According to Lok Raj Baral, executive chairman of the Nepal Centre for Contemporary Studies: "With the constitution already in dispute, Bhattarai`s resignation will... naturally encourage the protesters. …Bhattarai has been talking for some time about the need for a new political force to address the country’s needs... if a leader of his stature quits the Maoists it will obviously have an impact on the party’s popularity," Baral told Agence France Presse.

 

 

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Madhesi protestors decide to block Indian entry points to Nepal

 

 September 23, 2015

 

 

According to today’s Kathmandu Post:

 

The Samyukta Loktantrik Madhesi Morcha (SLMM) has decided to block all the entry points to Nepal as part of the fresh bid intensify their agitation.

 

A meeting of the SLMM convened in Rajbiraj of Saptari district on Wednesday took the decision to step up their agitation at a time when the big three political parties in the Capital have been trying to forge consensus with the agitating Madhes-based parties.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Four Madhesi parties affiliated to SLMM have divided responsibility among themselves to make effective the blockade at all India entry points into Nepal.

Emerging from the meeting Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party Chairman Mahanta Thakur said their agitation programmes will be targeted to impose blockade to the Capital city. “As Kathmandu did not listen to us, now our agitation will put pressure on Kathmadu,” said leader Thakur. Saying that the Madhesi parties are not against talks, Thakur accused the government of not creating an environment conducive for dialogue.

The SLMM has given the responsibility of blocking Sunauli entry point in the West to Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party, while Sadbhawana Party has been charged with the responsibility to block the Raxaul entry point connected to Birgunj of Nepal.

 

Likewise, Sanghiya Samawadi Forum has taken the reponsibility to block Jogbani entry point connected with Biratnagar of Nepal, and Tarai Madhes Sadbhawana Party has taken the responsibility to block the eastern border.

 

The alliance of disgruntled Madhesi parties has decided to continue the strikes in the Tarai region.

 

 

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Nepal’s New Constitution: Inspiration for two sorts of fireworks

 

September 21, 2015

 

 

Much of the citizenry of Nepal’s capital are in a celebratory mood upon the promulgation of the nation’s first constitution drafted by a democratically elected Constituent Assembly (CA). After a decade-long Maoist insurgency, the abolishment of the monarchy, and the declaration of a republic in 2008 – followed by seven years of shameless and anti-climatic thumb-twiddling by the CA – the actualization of a constitution is reason for balloons and fireworks lighting up Kathmandu’s nightscape.

 

But the mood in southern Nepal is a different tale.

 

Strong opposition from minority groups, particularly the Madhesis and Tharus, who inhabit the southern plains along the Indian border, remain dissatisfied – recently to the point of violent outrage – over what they define as centuries of marginalization and discrimination from the Kathmandu-centric political power base. In the last few weeks, over 40 people – including police – have either been bludgeoned to death, butchered, shot or set on fire.

 

 

The unrest is largely over the contentious manner in which the country has been carved up into seven federal states, which, according to much of the southern population, discriminates against them. They want more states and representation equal to their population – an ethnic-based model of federalism – rather than the voted-in geographical model that favors the continuation of the old ruling elites.

 

In Parsa, thousands of demonstrators defied local curfews. Police were attacked with stones and broken glass bottles. One person was killed, two others are in critical condition and others injured. Parsa’s chief district officer Kesheb Raj Ghimire described the situation as “tense”, according to AFP.

 

According to Reuters, former Election Commission Chariman Bhojraj Pokharel, “...fears that the hastily thrown together constitution has sown the seeds of a ‘dangerous’ new conflict’, not based on political ideology, but rather ethnicity.

 

India, Nepal’s southern neighbor, is also troubled. India’s External Affairs ministry issued a statement saying, “We are concerned that the situation in several parts of the country bordering India continues to be violent.”

 

Other analysts point out that, since China has come forward to welcome Nepal’s new constitution on a much less guarded basis than India, it creates an additional headache for Delhi’s political maneuvering with Nepal.

 

Within Nepal’s leadership, even Maoist honcho and former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai voiced concern that the new constitution failed to unite the country: "I am not completely happy with the announcement of the constitution," Bhattarai told Annapurna Post. "We were not able to involve half of the country's population in this process of creating the constitution." Although it should be pointed out that Battarai was one of the main supporters of the promulgation.

 

 

PRACHANT JHA’S ANALYSIS FOR THE HINDUSTAI TIMES, SUNDAY, SEPT. 20

 

Below is an excerpt from Prachant Jha’s excellent piece published yesterday. It explores nuances of the current situation, vis-à-vis India, that other journalists have failed to explore:

 

At the highest levels in the Government of India, Nepal's new constitution and the manner in which it has been pushed through is being viewed as 'a major problem' that could lead to strife and conflict right across the open border, top sources have said.

 

Nepal’s top political leadership may not have listened to foreign secretary S Jaishankar’s advice to take dissenting forces on board before constitution promulgation. But Delhi feels that mass protests across the Tarai as well as the police killing of a protester in the bordering town of Birgunj have vindicated its position that Nepali leaders were playing with fire.

 

Delhi noted the 'promulgation of a constitution', but it refrained from welcoming it on Sunday. The use of the phrase 'a' is seen as significant, for India does not see it as the definitive document it is meant to be.

 

India is upset with the Nepali political elite’s false assurances to India and amused at its opportunistic use of the ‘nationalism’ card. It is also clear there is no alternative to a substantial review and amendment of the constitution. And it feels there is no durable solution without taking Madhesi, Tharu and Janjati concerns on board. At the moment, no Tarai party has signed the constitution.

 

India has consistently told Nepali leaders they must strive for the 'widest possible agreement' and a constitution that reflects the aspirations of all regions and sections of society. In repeated meetings, Nepal prime minister Sushil Koirala, former PM Sher Bahadur Deuba, Maoist chairman Prachanda, and UML chairman KP Oli - key Kathmandu players - assured India this would happen.

 

"They gave false assurances, but drafted constitutional provisions which are widely perceived by the Madhesis and Tharus as discriminatory, and went back on some of the more positive gains of the interim constitution," a top government source in Delhi told HT.

 

These leaders have now sought to play the 'nationalism' card and alleged Indian interference. But sources told HT that the same leaders have sent messages to India to use its influence with Madhesi leaders to call off protests. "Many have also sought support for their personal power ambitions. They want our interference as long as we do what they want. We see through the game," the source added.

 

 

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Mikel Dunham’s interview with Minister Sunil Bahadur Thapa: The CA’s Railroading of Federalism, Ignoring Madhesi Protests, Post-Earthquake Reconstruction and Operation USA

 

September 17, 2015

 

 

After seven years of sluggish and inept efforts to unveil a new constitution for Nepal, the Constitutional Assembly (CA) has suddenly thrown the process into high gear, promising to promulgate a new constitution by September 20. The voting is over. Only the formalities remain. The CA congratulates itself in spite of the ongoing protests by the Madhesis and Janajatis in southern Nepal.  Who will be celebrating on the 20^th? Those groups enraged by the way the CA railroaded the seven-state version of the new republic into law, have called for a national-wide strike on the 20^th. Violence in the south has not been subdued.

 

On September 10, I spoke with Minister of Commerce and Supplies Sunil Bahadur Thapa at his home, discussing various aspects of the current political situation. Thapa has 25 years of service with the UN to his credit. He served in the United Nations High Commission for Refugees in Sudan until 2011.  He then turned to Nepali politics, joined Nepal’s Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and was subsequently elected to the Central Committee of RPP in 2012. He is a director of Himalayan Bank in Nepal and the only son of former PM Surya Bahadur Thapa.

 

 

 

 

DUNHAM: I would like to begin with the recent outbreak of violence in Madhes over the CA’s high-handed implementation of federalism in the south. This recent violence, some of it very grizzly indeed, isn’t really a new phenomenon in the south. I was in Madhes in 2007, only days after the Gaur massacre. The tension was palpable. I interviewed shopkeepers from Kapilvastu, just days after Pahadis torched the town. The locals became so hostile to my camera crew and me, it became an unnerving and  very tricky business getting out of town with out injury to body and equipment. I visited a Pahadi village that had been burned to the ground the night before – smoke still rising from the embers. I held a meeting in Janakpur with twelve prominent local leaders – politicians, professors and journalists – who unabashedly supported the killers in Gaur. I visited a displace person’s camp where the people were afraid of just about everyone.  My crew and I made a midnight run through the southern highway, barricaded with felled trees and burning tires. It was chaos down there.

 

And yet, by the time of the 2008 national elections – I was an international observer for three southern districts – the mood was fairly subdued. Voting was impressively high in the south. People wanted to engage in the democratic process.  People seemed to believe that the promises made to them – those supporting equality in the south – would be made good by the Maoists and other political parties after the elections.

 

But the problem hasn’t gone away, has it? The problem may have been swept under the rug by the major political parties, but judging by the recent spate of violence in the south, concurrent with the CA’s contentious ideas on federalism, the Madhesis and Janajatis and Tharus still feel as if they have been ignored by the Kathmandu power center – that nothing has changed in their districts in terms of discrimination and condescension. And the new constitution doesn’t seem to have the southern districts in mind.

 

THAPA: It went wrong after the 2008 elections. Of course the Maoists were in total command of the CA. No doubt about it. But I’m speaking about all the major political parties. The party leaders did not take their own MPs or CA members into their confidence, when beginning the writing of a new constitution. All the decision-making took place outside the CA building. The formulation of a new constitution took place in private homes. If I remember correctly, there are only 16 to 20 people who were really involved in writing the constitution – this out of 601 CA members. Of these 16 to 20 people, only 10 were elected members of the CA. The rest of the “writers” were people who were defeated in the elections. That was one of the major mistakes that the political parties made.

 

To make matters worse, the issues that people in the south had fought for were never introduced in the CA for discussion. OK, you may not like certain things, but had those issues been introduced to the CA for discussion, everyone would have had the opportunity to ventilate their feelings and there would be a point of compromise at the end. So everything was left unaddressed until the eleventh hour, the last few weeks. One hour is never enough.

 

DUNHAM: Right. The Madhesis are still basically excluded from the conversation. They didn’t get to have a dialogue. Even after the 2008 elections.

 

THAPA: There was no dialogue. Major issues like federalism and religion were sidelined. People were just coming out of this great insurgency movement. There was no appetite to really discuss federalism. So basically there were two or three issues that were never discussed in the first CA. The Madhesis didn’t get to have a dialogue. And then, when the first CA failed, [from 2008-2012, with Prime Ministers Prachanda, Madav Nepal, Khanal and Bhattarai coming into power in rapid succession] the leaders of the political parties did not review the situation and examine why the CA had failed.

 

This was a big mistake. Once you know why something fails, and if you know the root causes, then you are better equipped to address the problems – in our case, the failure of the first CA. What did we learn from the failure?  Today, in the second CA, we have gone back to the same old habits.

 

DUNHAM: Failing to bring everyone to the table for a real dialogue.

 

THAPA: Yes. Just like during the first CA, the real discussions were taking place in private rooms, hotels. That’s where different agreements were made: nine-point agreements, eleven-point agreements, sixteen-point agreement – none of which allowed the space for other parties to ventilate. I’m not against constitution by majority but minorities should also be respected.

 

DUNHAM: People who don’t feel like they have a voice don’t simply go away.

 

THAPA: The political dialogue and political process to write the constitution should have been as broad as possible, including the international community. I’m not saying that international entities should come in and intervene, but we should consider their advice and keep them in the loop of our process. They play a major role, too.

 

DUNHAM: We are talking about ongoing arrogance from the leaders of the major political parties.

 

THAPA: Absolutely.  First of all, the major political parties totally bypassed the smaller parties and their alliances within the government. Let me tell you, you have got three-party alliances, sometimes four-party alliances. But there hasn’t been a single day that I can remember when the three-party alliance invited our party president chairman and said, “Come sit down with us. Let’s have a dialogue. This is our plan and this is what we envision. What is your opinion?” Neither have they invited the leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (ML), CP Mainali, for a talk.

 

There are two things. It’s a matter of them not taking us into their confidence based on arrogance: “We are supreme, we will do everything and we know everything. Without anybody’s help, we can get everything done.”

 

Which is wrong. And today, just a few days before we are supposed to be going to promulgate the constitution, the country is on fire. Disagreement from all walks of life. Pandora’s Box has been opened.

 

DUNHAM: I think it has, too. And the fact that everybody shoved aside the difficult issue of federalism until the last moment, and suddenly everybody is trying to scramble and make something out of that…. In stead of spending the last seven years really developing comprehensive ideas – what federalism is going to look like, what’s inclusive and what’s not, and, as you said, at the eleventh hour, pulling together something very, very quickly – it’s very bull-headed. And, as you said, Pandora’s box has been opened. You can’t pretend that it hasn’t been opened. That’s just make-believe.  Or panic.

 

THAPA: Yes. When they carved the first federal model with six states, in the east sector, they included nine districts, which is predominantly Limbus, Khumbus and of those minorities, and later Jhapa and Morang were added and Sagarmatha was also added. There was no adverse reaction. People seemed happy about it. I think that that was the only federal state that was so content and happy, because it had all the natural resources, superior human resource pools, facilities – you name it and it was all there. It was one of the most prosperous states. But then, when they opened the seventh province, when the Tharus started saying, they wanted Tharuhat [the state of Tharu], the Magars started saying they wanted Magarat [the state of Magar], then things started to fall apart.

In the east Nepal, the Limbuwans and the Khumbuwans started saying, “We don’t want Jhapa, Morang and all of the districts of Sagarmatha. We only want our nine districts intact.”

 You know, it was unraveling the fabric, one thread at a time, instead of strengthening the fabric. And today, if you ask me, the leaders don’t have any solutions to address this problem. The problem has come from all four cardinal directions. If you are going to stick to seven provinces, how do you address Tharuhat? How do you address the problems of the hilly regions? If you go back to six provinces, how are you going to cut your cake again? If you going to propose eight provinces, then sooner or later, you will be going to nine, ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen. Can the nation really survive or exist in that fragmented state?

 

DUNHAM: The protests that are going on today: What are they demanding? Are they demanding an eighth state?

 

THAPA: In my view, the protestors began with the demand that they have their own federal state. That was the root cause. I think that it has now gone beyond that, where all these marginalized people and Madhesi groups are now seeking that their rights should be preserved in the new constitution. They were promised as much in 2007, after the Gaur massacre. The government signed an agreement with the Madhesis and that’s why the Madhesi people today say, “Dialogue? We don’t need to sit for another dialogue. We had enough dialogues with Prachanda and GP Koirala. Everything is already in black and white. Just implement it.”

 

DUNHAM: Now it has all come back and bitten the major political parties on the backside.

 

THAPA: Of course! I think that, to some extent, the federalism has become redundant. Today, people are seeking the rights that were already promised to them. The right to ethnic identity, etc. – the right to be recognized as such.

 

From the beginning there should have been a open dialogue in the CA about what federalism was going to look like in Nepal. A model should have been created. A model with benchmarks, with guidelines. “Look, these are the guidelines and within those guidelines, let’s discuss federalism.”

 

Even at this late date, there is no real model.  What are the criteria for federal states today? It’s been defined based on ethnicity and on resources. And I don’t understand: What resources are they talking about? Today, you’ve got the sixth province where you’ve got Dang district and Karnali district. It is the poorest of the poor federal states in Nepal. How can you sustain that state?

 

Let’s look at the second state – from Saptari to Parsa – what do they have there? They don’t have water. They don’t have irrigation. They don’t have any source of income. The source of income could be the custom points [along the Indian border] but that is going to be controlled by the federal government, so how are they going to sustain themselves? The government should have set a half-dozen or so parameters and within those parameters, begin the discussion. Most of the wars today are based on either ethnicity or religion or both.

 

DUNHAM: Are there any contentious Muslim issues currently evident in Nepal?

 

THAPA: Percentage-wise, I think the Muslim populations not more than five percent. They want to have their identity recognized and duly represented in the new constitution, but they haven’t resorted to coming to the streets in a violent mood, or anything like that. Whatever they have done is through low-level dialogues, talks and peaceful protests.

 

DUNHAM: What’s the worst-case scenario for Nepal if the Madhesi people feel they have been excluded from the new constitution?

 

THAPA: Well, it’s very difficult to predict a worst-case scenario. But I suppose it would be people resorting to violence and, believe me,  the violence would be ethnic. All of our lifeline routes – Biratnagar, Jhapa, Parsa, Dhangadi and Bhairahawa – would be stopped.  Even today, that is in existence. You have got thousands and thousands of truckloads of goods on the other side of the border that cannot come in because of the unrest along the southern border of Nepal. I hold the Ministry of Commerce and Supplies and I have had sleepless nights for so many days – whether the petroleum products can come in or not. So far, thanks to the security forces, a crisis has been diverted. They have gone out of their way to provide escorts for petroleum trucks.

 

We’re also getting help from the government of India; they are not stopping any of these petroleum products from coming into Nepal. They have helped us along the border areas to have easy passage. If they would not give easy passage, our trucks would be lined up—oh, I don’t know – they would be lined up many kilometers down the road. As it stands today,  all the trucks that carry petrol, diesel and gas are taken out of the line in India and brought toward the border. You know, that’s a great help from India. The moment there is no petroleum product in Nepal, the people’s houses and kitchens will stop, which would basically mean that our people had been denied their right to eat. When people don’t get to eat, violence is going to flare up. And that would add fuel to the fire in regard to our current political movements.

 

DUNHAM: That’s the last thing you need.

 

THAPA: Yes, yes, yes. We are totally reliant on petroleum. We don’t have biogas, solar systems, adequate hydroelectricity. (We are having massive load-shedding every day.) So we have generators. But the generators are operated on diesel. People might not mind if they have no petrol for their transportation.  They can always walk. But what about their other needs?   All the hospitals in Nepal would have to be shut down. Indirectly, thousands of lives would be lost. We would have no idea what our trade-business volume was. All of our office buildings would be closed down because they would not be able to communicate. Nepal is drowned into the IT world. Anyone who goes to the office today, and the computer is not running, that’s an automatic  holiday for them. We don’t have old-fashioned typewriters anymore. We don’t know to write by hand anymore. You can see the after-effects. That’s what worries me every day.

 

DUNHAM: There’s also the issue of having non-petroleum products cut off from the people, especially in regard to the post-earthquake reconstruction work. One reason I’m in Nepal at the moment is that I’m representing an American organization specializing in disaster relief and reconstruction.

 

THAPA: What is the organization called?

 

DUNHAM: Operation USA. We are building a school in Fyakse, Dhading, which is remote and completely destroyed. The school was literally and figuratively the center of the town and the loss has significantly hurt the local community. The old school served not only Fyakse, but six surrounding wards as well. One of OpUSA’s concerns is getting realistic estimates on the prices of building supplies, particularly if blockades along the highways prevent the construction crew from receiving necessary building materials. 

 

THAPA: Well, there is going to be a big affect, no doubt, because, when you talk about supplies, it doesn’t stop at petroleum. It begins with petroleum and moves on down the list including building materials, food, medical items, equipment. You know, we are late. The post-earthquake, we should have acted very fast to put things together. But we failed.

 

People ask , “Is the earthquake issue over? Has it been taken care of?” In my view, no. The media attention has died now. With the CA writing the constitution and the unrest in Madhes, the earthquake takes a back seat.

 

And this is where we are failing. When we received international pledges of 4.1 billion dollars, the National Reconstruction Authority (NRA) should have been activated immediately.

 

DUNHAM: One of the things I  have experience this time, traveling through Dhading and talking to village people – the people don’t  expect the government to help them with post earthquake reconstruction. They are just building whatever they can build with the few resources available to them. The school up in Fyakse, for instance, which has been red-flagged and condemned – they are still using those rooms, because they want their kids education to continue – with or without government assistance. Their children could grow into adults before the government comes in – that’s the prevalent attitude among the people. That’s how much they rely on the government. It’s never helped before; why should the government help now? Interestingly, there didn’t seem to be that much hostility because that’s the way it has always been. “We are on our own, here. Sure, this toilet is condemned, but we’ve got to use this toilet until we can built something that is more safe.”

 

For more information about Operation USA:

 

LINK HERE

 

 

 

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Mikel Dunham’s interview with Dr. Govind Raj Pokharel, CEO of the National Reconstruction Authority: REBUILDING NEPAL

 

September 13, 2015

 

 

Prof. Dr. Govind Raj Pokharel, the Vice-Chairman of the National Planning Commission of Nepal and the newly appointed CEO of the National Reconstruction Authority, has many years of experience in renewable energy, climate change, microfinance and rural development. At the academic level, he is Professor at the Industrial and Mechanical Engineering Department, Institute of Engineering, Tribhuvan University. He also has over three years experience as a Manager in SNV Netherlands Development Organization based at various South Asia locations. 

 

Nepal has been criticized for its sluggish, if not inept response to the quakes that killed almost 9,000 people. The country failed to adequately prepare even though experts had predicted an earthquake was likely. And then the government struggled to cope with relief efforts. Five months later, many partially damaged buildings in Kathmandu are still standing and rubble is strewn across public parks. Across the nation, tens of thousands of people are still living in plastic tents, preyed upon by flies and mosquitoes, with muddy paths and no drains.

 

From the beginning, the reconstruction process, over which Dr. Pokharel is responsible, was plagued by governmental neglect. The government had issued an ordinance on June 22, and it had registered the replacement bill on August 1. Why was a replacement bill necessary? Because, according to the Interim Constitution, an ordinance requires approval from the parliament within 60 days of parliament’s first session.  The government failed to follow the constitutional provision in time. Once again,  Nepal’s government showboated its impotence to carry out its most important responsibilities.

 

This problem is scheduled to be addressed in parliament on September 17 and it looks certain that, at last, the government will rectify its serious oversight by re-booting the National Reconstruction Authority, thereby beginning the distribution of the 4.1 billion dollar pledge received by international donors.

 

In the event, at this crucial moment in Nepal’s history, I had the opportunity to interview Dr. Pokharel at his office in the Shinga Durbar (Parliament) complex on September 10.

 

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DUNHAM: Dr. Pokharel, I was here during the earthquake and in the immediate aftermath I was impressed by Nepal’s response – particularly in regard to the professionalism of the Nepal Army. In the interim, one of the things that the international media has pounced on is the fact that, although there is a 4.1 billion dollar pledge by the international community, established  at the donors’ conference of June 23, those funds have still not been released. The press has been outraged and there has been a lot of bad publicity, although no one seems interested in reporting an adequate explanation of the causes for the delay. What, in your opinion, are the underlying problems of getting these funds distributed?

 

POKHAREL: I think there are two issues as to why there has been this delay. One, Nepal is still in political transition and the whole political establishment is concentrating on constitution-drafting and crisis management. You can imagine, during this parliamentary session, that the government forgot about getting the three ordinances approved on time. Not only this one [National Reconstruction Authority], but also there are two ordinances waiting for parliamentary approval: the Cooperative Ordinance [microfinance] and the Public Procurement Act. So you can see how busy they are. There are negotiations everyday. Sometimes even I don’t have access to the prime minister for two or three days at a time because the prime minister is otherwise engaged in four-political-party meetings, three-party meetings, and all-party meetings. That has really diverted the politicians’ attention from reconstruction. Two, is that all of this has transpired during the monsoon. The understanding of most of the people, who are not affected, is that “reconstruction” means only building houses or schools or physical infrastructures, which is not true. You have to reconstruct social infrastructures as well. You have to reconstruct economic infrastructures, as well, which are equal or more important than physical infrastructures. During the rainy season, in the rural areas, you cannot build houses, in general, because Nepalis traditionally build houses made of stone and mud – not houses built of cement. Traditional house need to be built in the dry seasons.

 

Simultaneously, the National Planning Commission and other agencies are preparing a draft to address all the modalities, mechanisms and policies directed toward reconstruction. Only today, I finalized the Land Acquisition and Land Registration modalities.

 

DUNHAM: Which is a big hurdle.

 

POKHAREL: Yes, it is a hurdle. Now it will be approved, once the National Reconstruction Authority (NRA) is revived, at which time the NRA can send its recommendations to the Cabinet for approval. That’s only one week away. We also have the Reconstruction Policy draft at the final stage, which can be approved, once the NRA is revived. Also in the works are a Fast-Track Procurement Act and a Fast-Track Environment Assessment Act.

 

DUNHAM: What do you mean by “Fast-Track”. [The current Procurement Act has a 35-day period of public notification.

 

POKHAREL:  The basics of the process will be kept in tact, but the time period will be significantly reduced. For example, the Fast-Track Procurement Act will reduce the current 35-day stipulation to 7 days. The formal process – the 7-day notice for those who want to work with us, who want to supply us with consultants, and other matters – the process will be greatly expedited. Also, the Fast-Track Procurement Act allows suppliers sufficient time to prepare their proposals, prior to the formal announcement of Expression of Interest (EOI). Likewise, land acquisition will be reduced to a two-month process.

 

DUNHAM: And when is all of this going to be implemented?

 

POKHAREL: Today is the 10^th, and the parliamentary session is on the 17^th. Once the parliament starts, within two or three days, as agreed by the political parties, they will revive the NRA. We already have set up a new office. We have a few staff on deputation from other ministries. We can recruit immediately other consultants, then we can move ahead. There are more than 29 different housing design models that have been finalized. Today there was a housing-cluster meeting, during which more than 60 partners attended. On Sunday, [September 13] we will meet with experts and hear their views and ideas and, we hope, that the rural housing issue will be finalized then.

 

In short, the modalities to be employed for rural housing will be completed. And the government has already established that each household affected by the earthquake will receive 2 lakhs Rupees, which is 2000 US dollars.

 

DUNHAM: So the logjam is about to be broken?

 

POKHAREL: Yes, a lot of logjams. Until the NRA is legally re-established, I cannot even procure consultants. I was appointed as the CEO of the NRA only two weeks before the constitutional deadline lapsed, thereby negating the NRA’s legitimacy. Out of those two weeks, four of those days were useless because Nepal bandhs were imposed. Even so, in the meantime, we have been working hard to be prepared for the day when the NRA is re-activated. When that happens, we will be able to hit the ground running. On one level, the monsoon has worked in our favor, since actual construction could not be done during this time.

 

DUNHAM: And now the monsoon is about to end.

 

POKHAREL: Yes, but for all practical purposes, you need to figure in the fact that Dashain is quickly approaching. [All governmental offices will be closed from October 13 – 24. Also, 15 days after Dashain, the 4-day Tihar holiday will ensue, so that realistically, uninterrupted governmental work will only resume in mid-November.]

 

It is only then that construction work can begin. Right now, lots of males are in India or other countries working. Many of them will come back to Nepal during the festival time. They will bring money, which is important because the government is giving only $2000 per damaged household and those extra dollars will really make a difference.

 

Certainly, the development partners, who are providing us with billions of dollars, need time to produce project documents, which will also slow down the process. Other infrastructures, like social infrastructures, school buildings, government buildings, heritage sites – these need to be handled very carefully as well, which takes time. So, yes, the monsoon and the upcoming holidays are giving the NRA and the development partner’s more time before actual construction can begin. 

 

For the rural housing, some delays are there. But if the NRA hits the ground running, we are in good shape and can manage construction at a faster pace.

 

DUNHAM: I’m working as a consultant for Operation USA. We are an American NGO with 30 years of post-disaster relief in stricken foreign countries. We are in the process of building a school in Fyakse, Dhading. But we are also interested in additional projects that would have obvious benefits for those local Nepali communities hardest hit by the April earthquakes. What other projects would you suggest? What are Govind Raj Pokharel’s priorities? What is most needed in terms of reconstruction?

 

POKHAREL: The main hurdle is how to revive the economy. Reconstruction is not only physical reconstruction. The simplest task is to build houses. Building the economy, and fixing broken social elements are the biggest things in need of support. Donors: Give us fresh ideas as to how we can remedy our economic and social problems.

 

For example, we have ample organizations available to us that, eventually, could potentially build all the damaged schools and hospitals in Nepal. But the equipment for the hospitals, and the availability of doctors and nurses and staff – and the ability for patients to afford hospital treatment – these are the biggest challenges. That’s why I’m asking business organizations, donors and philanthropists, “Please, don’t just concentrate on building houses. Here’s an alternative: Help two-hundred families be able to earn at least two-hundred dollars a month.” These kinds of ideas, funding and technical support are what we most need during the reconstruction. Only then can we say that we have built a resilient Nepal. Building dry houses without food is not reconstruction.

 

DUNHAM: What do you think are the biggest challenges for Nepal in the post-earthquake era? I think it’s going to take at least ten years to get Nepal back to where it was before the earthquakes. We were seriously deprived of necessary infrastructure before the earthquakes. This 2015 natural disaster has set us back even more.

 

POKHAREL: Yes, there are three main challenges. One, management of human resources -- from staffing the NRA to the actual reconstruction process. It’s not only the masons, electricians and plumbers that are needed, but also people who can process food, people who can support the supply-chain mechanism from urban to rural, and vice versa, bringing the products of rural areas to cities. In such areas, we have a human-resource-scarcity problem.

 

Two, the second main challenge is coordination. Private sector, philanthropists, civil society, political parties, different ministries – everyone wants to be the boss of their own office, here, in Nepal. They want to build their own kingdom within their own sphere of influence. This attitude is not beneficial if you want to have a coordinated effort.

 

Three, the third challenge is resources in terms of finance and materials. For example, heritage sites require specific kinds of wood of exact sizes. Other, different materials are required for different non-heritage structures.

 

And here’s another situation: Let’s say that someone is here supporting the building of a hospital. If they don’t also take into account the necessity of supporting handicap people or orphans, for example – who is going to come in and support those overlooked sectors?

 

Although 4.1 billion dollars have been given to Nepal to re-build Nepal, you may miss certain sectors and sub-sectors where there is no willingness or interest from the donors to make contributions.

 

DUNHAM: That list of overlooked sectors would be a really interesting document to have! That would be something I would gladly publish. People contact me all the time asking what’s the best way to contribute to the reconstruction of Nepal.

 

POKHAREL: That list will soon be available.  Today I was in a housing-cluster meeting comprised of people who are technically supporting the housing sector. They have divided themselves into different districts. It is very nice preparatory homework.

 

Similarly, I had a meeting with organizations, that are training masons, electricians, and so on. We have already identified the three categories of potential workers: fresh trainees, already trained masons – and instruct them on new methods directed toward earthquake resistance – and training of trainers. We have already assigned CTEVT [The Council for Technical Education and Vocational Training], which is coordinating this and updating us and we request that all partners to contact them.

 

We have also requested our development partners to provide us with their work schedules. For example: OXFAM International comes in and they will train 20 people or 100 people in one location and UN Habitat comes in and trains 300 people in another area. We are saying, “No, no, no. Please don’t do that. Please provide us with all of your schedules and programs. We will not disturb your program, but we will try to prevent overlaps.”

 

DUNHAM: You are talking about coordination. I would love to contact you in two months or so and ask, “What’s still being overlooked? And what are the projects that no international donors want to touch?”

 

POKHAREL: In the meantime, the biggest challenge is the political deadlock. I was appointed the CEO and I hope I’ll be given the chance to continue, once the NRA is revived. Until today – as of half-an-hour before this interview – it looks as though I will be given that opportunity.

 

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For further information about Nepal’s National Planning Commission, link here:

 

POST-DISASTER NEED ASSESSMENT (PDNA)

 

 

For more information about Operation USA, link here:

 

OPERATION USA

 

 

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International Crisis Group issues conflict alert for Nepal

 

September 3, 2015

 

 

The International Crisis Group (ICG) has issued a conflict alert for Nepal, warning that the government must act urgently to reduce the risk of more violence in Madhes and the southern plains along the border with India.

 

"An enormous trust deficit between agitating groups and Kathmandu's political leadership would worsen if the government and major parties persist with a heavily securitized response to fundamentally political protests, and if they and the media portray the protests as marginal or criminal," the ICG said in a statement on Wednesday.

 

The protests that began in the Himalayan country after the major parties agreed to federate the country into six provinces, and later into seven provinces, have claimed 23 lives till Tuesday.

 

According to Nepal Police spokesperson Kamal Singh Bam, eight members of security agencies -- six from Nepal Police and two from Armed Police Force -- have been killed. At least 14 protesters and a child have died, and around 190 security personnel and 195 protesters injured in protests.

 

The ICG also suggested that the government should urgently form an independent commission to investigate the recent killings.

 

"The anger in the Tarai and among various social groups is real. If it is ignored or mishandled, the violence will grow. If the new constitution is truly to be one for all Nepalis rather than a starting gun for new forms of conflict, its framers must recognise that getting it done right is more important than getting it done fast," the statement said.

 

It said it was "unlikely" that the discontent can be resolved by a deal between power-brokers in Kathmandu that does not address core issues.

 

While some district-level political leaders and parties that represent the Tharu and Madhesi groups in the Constituent Assembly have been involved in the protests or support them, the mobilisation and leadership comes largely from within local communities, it said.

 

The Samyukta Loktantrik Madhesi Morcha, an alliance of Madhes-based political parties, had launched an indefinite strike from August 18 against the proposed seven-state model.

 

Madhesi and other minority groups joined the protests fearing the new constitution will marginalise them and not ensure their rights.

 

The strike has severely crippled normal life in the region.

 

Despite escalating violence in the region, attempts for talks between the government and the agitating Madhesi and Tharu groups.

 

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Four months after quakes, Nepal fails to spend any of $4.1 billion donor money

 

September 2, 2015

 

Reuters report filed today, written by Gopal Sharma and Andrew Macaskill:

 

Two months after foreign countries and international agencies pledged $4.1 billion to help Nepal recover from its worst natural disaster, the government has yet to make arrangements to receive the money and has spent nothing on reconstruction.

 

The United Nations estimates almost three million survivors of twin earthquakes in April and May – around 10 percent of the Himalayan nation's population – need shelter, food and basic medical care, many in mountainous, hard-to-reach areas.

 

 

 

 

 

Govinda Raj Pokharel, chief executive officer of the newly created National Reconstruction Authority, said the government was unlikely to start spending the money until October at the earliest because of delays in approving plans and concerns about starting building work in the monsoon season.

 

"The government's response has been slow. I accept that," said Pokharel.

 

Nepal has been criticized for its chaotic response to the quakes that killed almost 9,000 people. The country failed to adequately prepare even though experts had predicted an earthquake was likely. And then the government struggled to cope with relief.Four months later, many partially damaged buildings in Kathmandu are still standing and rubble is strewn across public parks. Tens of thousands of people are living in plastic tents, preyed upon by flies and mosquitoes, with muddy paths and no drains.

 

Maili Pariyar, 50, knitting a purse to sell outside her tent, said she only received food and tent materials from aid agencies. She has not been given anything by the government.

 

"We have lost everything. We are desperate," she said. "How much longer do we have to wait for help?"

 

Pokharel said the government had failed to spend any money because ministers had still not signed off on rebuilding and aid distribution plans.He said the government made an error by attempting to pass a contentious constitution that will create a new political system and divide the country into new regions, a decision that has led to deadly clashes. The government argues the overhaul will help reconstruction in the long run by creating greater stability.

 

"We would have liked it if they concentrated on the reconstruction first," Pokharel said. "That would have been better."

 

Jamie McGoldrick, the U.N. Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Nepal, said the government had been sluggish.

 

"The government needs to get going," he said. "The next big challenge is to ensure that people living in tents are prepared for the winter."After a two-month wait, Pokharel was appointed to head the reconstruction authority two weeks ago. He is now based in a government office that oversees printing because the earthquake damaged other buildings."We have lost time and now we need to catch up," he said.

 

 

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Police arrest 10 suspects for murdering policemen and two-year-old in southern Nepal.

 

August 27, 2015

 

 

Police on Wednesday arrested 10 people for their suspicious involvement in killing of seven police personnel in the brutal Tikapur attack on Monday.

 

 

 

 

According to Nepal Police, the arrested have been identified as Sundar Lal Chaudhari, 35 of Joshipur-4; Khadga Bahadur Chaudhary, 55; Madhesi Janadhikar Forum regional Chairman Ram Prasad Chaudhary, 44;  Ram Janam Chaudhary, 17, of Darakh-6; Narayanpur, Ram Kumar Khadariya, 20, of Manuwa-1; Sundar Lal Kathariya, 27; Dil Bahadur Chaudhary, 20; Raj Kumar Khathariya, 24; Hari Narayan Chaudhary, 22, of Manuwa-4; and Prem Bahadur Chaudhary, 41, of Bhajaniya-5.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Laxman Neupane, Inspector duo Keshav Bohara and Balram Bista, head constable Laxman Khadka, constable Lokendra Bd. Chand, Sr. head constable of APF Lalit Saud, and constable Ram Birahi Chaudhari, were killed by the protesters in Manuwa VDC-6 of Tikapur, Kailali.

 

A police officer’s two-year-old was shot to death by protesters who fired into the policaman’s home, presumbably aiming for the father.

 

The number of security personnel deployed in the border area in Kailali district has been increased and monitoring of people's movement has also been intensified. The move comes in the wake of Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Bamdev Gautam's statement in Parliament that people from across the border had infiltrated into the mob that killed seven policemen.

 

However, India yesterday conveyed its concerns to Nepal over "unsubstantiated" statements made by Nepalese leaders over alleged intrusion by Indians in riot-hit areas, saying such actions could cause "misunderstandings" and "distort" perceptions about friendly bilateral ties.

 

Nor has the violence abated.

 

Defying the curfew in Tikapur on Tuesday, a group demanding undivided far-west set ablaze the house of lawmaker Janak Chaudhary of Madhesi People's Rights Forum (Democratic) in Tikapur Municipality-6. Likewise, they also set ablaze Fulbari FM radio station belonging to Resham Chaudhary. The fire was doused by security forces. Apart from the two houses, the irate group also set on fire some 40 shops in Tikapur market, claimed Lahuram Chaudhary, chief of Tharu Kalyankari Sabha. Locals have accused the administration and security agencies of not taking any action even as demonstrators set on fire private houses and other buildings.

 

The Ministry of Home Affairs on Tuesday recalled CDO, chief of Far-Western Police Office and chief of Armed Police Force in Kailali, accusing them of failing to carry out their duties and to maintain law and order.

 

The ministry has replaced CDO Raj Kumar Shrestha with Mohan Chapagain. Likewise, Chief of Far-Western Police Office DIG Ram Kumar Khanal was replaced by DIG Madhav Nepal and Chief of Armed Police Force Sadananda Chaudhary by DIG Suraj Bahadur Shrestha. Similarly, the ministry also posted Dinesh Amatya in place of the deceased SSP.

 

In the meantime, an onslaught of incendiary postings have mushroomed on facebook, many calling for the resignation of Home Minister Gautam.

 

 

 

 

Rajendra Mulmi, Country Director, Nepal, of Search for Common Ground, posted the following plea:

 

Please take down all the statuses and expressions that are adversarial, has potential to incite violence and perpetuate hate. I know we all are deeply affected by recent episodes of violence and want to vent out our anger, frustrations, and emotions. The need of time now is to show perseverance. Lets condemn the acts of violence and not fuel the vicious cycle of violence.

 

Likewise, civil society leaders have stressed on maintaining social harmony in the district. "The Tikapur incident has already stoked communal hostility. Hence, efforts must be taken to maintain social harmony," said Dil Bahadur Chaudhary, president of Tharu civil society. "Political parties should exercise patience and seek a solution from the top political leadership."

 

Demonstrators have been protesting against the new Constitution saying the proposed provinces fail to ensure political representation for marginalized communities. Nepal's main parties agree that there should be seven federal states, but smaller parties and ethnic groups oppose either the number or the structure of the states.

 

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Eight policemen hacked to death, forty security personnel injured in southern Nepal

 

August 25, 2015

 

 

The government’s newest proposal for the country to be divided into seven provinces, presented on Sunday, was met with fury and violence in the southern border regions of Nepal on Monday.

 

This follows a string of protests in recent weeks, organized by members of historically marginalized communities including the Tharu ethnic minority. The latest clash broke out when organized by the Tharuhat United Struggle Committee, held a protest to demand their own separate province.

 

Thousands of protesters descended on Tikapur, in Kailali district, and attacked police with axes, bricks, sickles and stones after breaching a restricted zone set up by security. Police resorted to firing to disperse the mob

 

Unofficial reports put the death figure at over 20 including 17 policemen, according to Hindustan Times.

 

Terming the clash as “pre-planned”, Home Minister Bamdev Gautam told Parliament that one police constable was killed in a particularly gruesome manner. while other protesters  killed officers with spears, sickles and axes.  Said Gautam, “Inspector Ram Bihari Tharu of the Armed Police Force was burnt alive.”

 

The Home Minister declared the area as a “riot-stricken zone” and that the army had been deployed.

 

More than 40 injured security personnel were taken to Tikapur hospital for treatment.

 

 

The Chief District Officer of Kailali, Raj Kumar Shrestha, said that around 10,000 people descended on the prohibited area. The authority had been clamping curfew in Kailali district for the past four days.

 

Tharu lawmaker, Ganga Chaudhary, who staged a torch rally in Kathmandu two weeks ago, blamed the authorities for the escalation of protests. "Tharus are a peaceful community and we have been putting our demands for an undivided Tharu province peacefully, but our voices were not heard," she told AFP. "This violence is an unfortunate consequence of the rage that has been brewing...if the government listens to Tharus, the situation could calm down," she said.

 

Prime Minister Sushil Koirala, addressing the parliament on Monday, urged all the agitating groups to exercise restraint in the wake of violent protests in various parts of the country. “The constitution can be amended as it is not the something carved in stone. There is enough room for change,” PM Koirala added. 

 

 

 

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China’s Focus on Military Activities in Tibet

 

August 23, 2015

 

A new report published by Centre for China Analysis and Strategy (CCAS), written by Jayadeva Ranade, was released two days ago.  The impact on Indian and Nepali borders are discussed in detail. 

  

China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the country’s official military media have kept a discernible focus on the activities and exercises of the PLA formations deployed in Tibet in the past some months.

 

The recent round of promotions in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) by China’s President and Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) Xi Jinping, on the occasion of the 88th anniversary of the PLA on August 1, 2015, continues the emphasis on professionalism and preference for either battle-field, or other operational, experience for elevation to the higher ranks of the PLA. Included in the list are some officers with experience of service in Tibet and identified affiliations to Xi Jinping. The promotions are also indicative of Xi Jinping having begun to prepare for the 19th Party Congress in 2017.

 

The ten officers now promoted to the highest rank of General are: PLA Deputy Chief of Staff Wang Guanzhong; Deputy Head of the PLA's General Political Department Yin Fanglong; PLA Navy Political Commissar Miao Hua; Commander of the Beijing Military Region Song Puxuan; Commander of the Lanzhou Military Region Liu Yuejun; Commander of the Jinan Military Region Zhao Zongqi; Commander of the Chengdu Military Region Li Zuocheng; and Political Commissar of the Nanjing Military Area Command Zheng Weiping. The others promoted were Zhang Shibo, President of the PLA National Defence University (NDU) and Wang Ning, Commander of the People’s Armed Police Force (PAPF).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Of the ten officers promoted at least four are veterans with battle experience and service in Tibet. All four officers are assessed to be on track for further promotion. Zhao Zongqi participated in the Sino-Vietnam War in 1979 when he is reported to have often disguised himself as a Vietnamese to gather information. Born in 1955, Gen Zhao Zongqi has studied Arabic and has experience of foreign service having been posted to Tanzania as a defence attaché. He has even served as a military consultant for a drama serial on the PLA in 2006. He has served twenty years in Tibet and is a member of the 18th CCP CC.

Of the ten officers promoted at least four are veterans with battle experience and service in Tibet. All four officers are assessed to be on track for further promotion. Zhao Zongqi participated in the Sino-Vietnam War in 1979 when he is reported to have often disguised himself as a Vietnamese to gather information. Born in 1955, Gen Zhao Zongqi has studied Arabic and has experience of foreign service having been posted to Tanzania as a defence attaché. He has even served as a military consultant for a drama serial on the PLA in 2006. He has served twenty years in Tibet and is a member of the 18th CCP CC.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PAPF Commander Wang Ning, who has worked with Xi Jinping in Fujian, participated in the Sino-Vietnam War on the Yunnan border. A member of the Tibet Work Group, he has been promoted as General after only three years as Lieutenant General instead of the normal four. 

 

Particularly important currently for India among these latest promotions to the rank of General, are the elevations of the Commanders of the Lanzhou and Chengdu Military Regions, both exercising operational jurisdiction across India’s borders. While the Lanzhou Military Region’s jurisdiction includes the Ladakh sector, the Chengdu Military Region covers the rest of the Sino-Indian border. Interestingly, both the Commanders were in position at the time of the intrusions in the Depsang Plains and the Chumar area in Ladakh in April 2013 and September 2014 respectively, and their promotions confirm the assessment at the time that the intrusions were deliberate, planned and pre-mediated actions.  (Reference: ‘China Tests India in Ladakh’ New Indian Express dated Sept 25, 2014; & ‘China is placing key Generals on India border near Ladakh’, Sunday Guardian dated Jan 31, 2015).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

60-year-old General Liu Yuejun, Commander of the Lanzhou Military Region (MR), has a blemish-free political record confirmed by his membership of the 16th, 17th and now 18th Central Committees of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He is one of the few PLA officers at this rank with battle experience having fought in the Sino-Vietnam war (1979) and seen active duty in the Fakashan conflict. Liu Yuejun, was appointed to the present post in October 2012, and is significantly, like Xi Jinping, a “princeling”. He additionally has solid military credentials as his father, Liu Yide was a Deputy Director of the Political Department of the 14th Group Army and his mother was a soldier. Liu Yuejun was also born in a military camp of the communist people’s army. Consequent to his promotion as General, he will be a contender for elevation to a higher post at the next Party Congress in 2017.

 

The Commander of the Chengdu Military Region (MR), General Li Zuocheng, was earlier Deputy Commander of the Military Region. Li Zuocheng, who is 60-years old, also has battle experience and was awarded a first-class merit when he was 26 years old for leading a PLA company to victory during the month-long Sino-Vietnamese war in 1979. He suffered injuries to his right arm during the conflict. He too will be in the running for appointment to higher office at the next Party Congress. A possible disadvantage for Li Zuocheng, however, could be that he is neither a full nor alternate member of the Party’s 18th Central Committee.

 

The promotions point to the attention being given by the Chinese leadership to the Sino-Indian border and to steadily enhancing and consolidating military preparedness in Tibet. In addition to preserving peace and stability in its restive south-western autonomous region, Beijing is ensuring adequate military presence against India. Last year Major General Zhang Jiansheng was promoted and posted as a Deputy Commander of the Lanzhou Military Region. He was the first officer from the South Xinjiang Military District in the last 22 years to be promoted directly to Lanzhou and was Commander of Ali Military Sub District (MSD) a decade ago. He brings to the Lanzhou Military Region Headquarters first­hand knowledge of the Tibetan plateau and the western areas of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR).

 

 

There has additionally been some interesting coverage of military matters relating to Tibet in China’s official media in recent months. Among the disclosures is the reported -- almost year round -- presence of J-10, J-11 and SU-27 aircraft in the Tibet region on either deployment or for exercises. Other reports have separately claimed that thirty two J-10 fighter aircraft were positioned for the first time in Tibet at the airfields in Lhasa and Hoping through the winter (Nov 20-Dec 25, 2014) and that Chinese fighter aircraft flew more than 1460 sorties last year.

 

An official Chinese media report in April 2015, claimed that the principle followed in the PLA’s deployment in the Tibet region is that of “lighter in the front, and heavier at the back”. It explained that there are three lines of defense. The first is the Border Defense Regiment, which is deployed nearest to the border; second is the Mountain Division whose objective is to safeguard Tibet; and the third comprises a division-level of Motorized Combat troops. Focussing on the need to augment rapid transportation capability in the Tibet region, the report observed that the third line of defense, or Motorized Combat troops, require a still faster mode of transportation for the troops.

 

This report also confirmed the strategic objectives of the dual-use road and rail transportation network being developed in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). Observing that the troops are largely dependent on the construction of railway infrastructure, the report said that in August 2014, a new railway line from Lhasa to Shigatse had been officially operationalised. It noted that construction of a 402-kms long railway line from Lhasa to Linzhi began in December 2014. Stating that the Lhasa-Shigatse Rail line and Lhasa- Linzhi Rail line will connect the two extreme points of east and west in the region, it said this will enhance the PLA’s ‘deployment ability’ and ‘response capability’. The Tibet region, it added, will in future become the center of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway.

 

The report also referred to air power and transport and said that in the last few years China had successfully constructed a number of airports on the Qinghai plateau.  It said that among them there are 7 modern airports located in the TAR, where a significant number of J-10 and J-11 aircraft are deployed to create a “defense line” of air combat. It disclosed that there had also been a gradual rise in the number of J-10 aircraft deployed in the Gongga region adding that the HQ-9, a Chinese made air defense missile, has been deployed to provide safety and security for the airports and railways as well as to guard against the threat posed by the deployment of Indian aircraft on the border.

 

One recent official Chinese bulletin catering mainly to PLA personnel, discussed some of the military deployments in the TMD. Among the PLA Artillery Regiments deployed in the TMD it disclosed that Unit 7761 of the 308 Artillery Regiment is deployed in Lhasa; Unit 77678 is based in Nixi, Bayi village in Linzhi County; and Unit 77625 is deployed at Duilongdeqing County of Lhasa Municipality. It also listed the deployment of a few other PLA units directly under the TMD.

 

Units Directly under Tibet Military District：15th Engineer Brigade (Dazi, Lhasa); Unit-77619，308 Artillery Regiment, Lhasa; Unit-77611，65th Air Defense Division, Lhasa; Unit-77616，16th Vehicle Regiment, Lhasa; Communications Battalion, Lhasa; Special Operations Division, Lhasa; Unit-77606，Lhasa。52nd Mountain Division（Bayi village, Linzhi County), Unit-77675; Artillery Regiment (Nixi, Bayi village, Linzhi County) Unit-77678; 1st Battalion (Bujiu village, Linzhi County); 2nd Battalion (Yongjiu village, Linzhi County); 3rd Battalion (Yongjiu village, Linzhi County); 4th Battalion (Bujiu village, Linzhi County). 53rd Mountain Brigade（Linzhi City, Milin County)，Unit-77680; Artillery Regiment (Jiage village, Linzhi City, Milin County) Unit-77683; First Battalion (Wolong village, Linzhi City, Milin County ); Second Battalion,(Gangga village, Linzhi County); 3rd Battalion ( Linzhi County)，4th Battalion,(Wolong village, Linzhi City, Milin County). 54th Armoured Brigade (High Plateau Cavalry- Due to the outstanding contribution to the completion of major tasks on January 13 2010 the CMC Chairman Hu Jintao signed a circular note of merit）( Lhasa City, Duilongdeqing County), Unit-77625;  an Artillery Regiment; a mechanized infantry First Battalion; mechanized infantry 2nd Battalion;  a mechanized infantry 3rd battalion; Tank Battalion; Chemical Warfare Battalion. Border Defense Regiment of the Military Sub-District under Tibet Military District (also the Independent Battalions)：

 

1st Border Defense  Regiment (Shannan City, Longzi County) Unit-77629: China-India and China-Bhutan Border.

2nd Border Defense Regiment (Shannan City, Cuona County) Unit-77635: China-India, China-Bhutan Border.

Luoza County 5th Independent Battalion (Shannan City, Luoza County)：China-Bhutan Border.

3rd Border Defense Regiment (Shigatse City, Tingri County) Unit-77639: China-India and China Nepal Border.

5th Border Defense Regiment (Shigatse City, Saga County) Unit 77646：China -Nepal Border.

6th Border Defense Regiment (Shigatse City, Yadong County) Unit-77649：China-India and China Bhutan Border. (Nathula outpost is the 1st outpost of South West, Zhangniangshe Outpost of the 6th Border Defense Regiment is the Yunzhong outpost).

Gyantse 1st Independent Battalion (Shigatse City , Gyantse County) Unit -77655：China-India and China-Bhutan Border.

Gangba 2nd Independent Battalion (Shigatse City, Gangba County) Unit-77656：China-India Border. (Chaguola Outpost is the High Plateau Red Border Defense Troops).

4th Border Defense Regiment (Chayu, Linzhi), Unit-77643：China-India Border.

Medog County 3rd Independent Battalion (Beibeng village, Linzhi City, Medog County); Medog Garrison , Mofan Battalion，Unit-77659：China-India Border; and the Milin 4th Independent Battalion (Nanyi Township, Linzhi City, Milin County)：China-India Border.

 

Meanwhile, China continues to expand its strategic reach in this region and is extending its arterial communications network right up to India’s borders. China’s road and rail networks in Tibet are all dual-use strategic projects funded partially from the national defence budget. The Second Artillery, which has its own railway construction battalions, is often involved. Commenting that “high-speed rail lines are becoming a major transport force for the People’s Liberation Army”, the high-circulation, influential China Youth Daily (Zhongguo Qingnian Bao) said in January 2014 that “the Second Artillery (China’s strategic missile forces) could use the high-speed rail network to quickly deploy short-range missiles in a certain strategic direction”. Adding that the PLA has been using high-speed trains to move troops in exercises since 2009, the report said China “eventually will set up a high-speed network of eight lines extending in all directions”. Observing that a typical military train includes 16 high-speed rail cars that carry 1,100 lightly armed soldiers, the news report forecast that “with the daily improvement in China’s high-speed rail network, transferring a 100,000 person army 1,000 li [310 miles] might be possible within half a day in the future,” and that the PLA will utilise high-speed rail to project “mobile combat forces in various strategic directions.”

 

 

Official Chinese media reports have separately commented on China’s plans to extend the Lhasa-Shigatse railway. Plans call for the strategic rail-road network to radiate outwards from Lhasa to Kathmandu and further onward to Lumbini in Nepal. Survey work for the railway line from Shigatse to Kyirong on the Sino-Nepal border has been completed and construction work has already begun. Survey work is reported to be underway for extending this railway to Lumbini via Kathmandu. PLA railway engineers will be involved. PLA engineers can similarly be expected to be involved in construction of the second airport at Lumbini just across India’s border, for which a US$ 60.7 million contract has been awarded to the Northwest Civil Aviation Airport Construction Group of China. China’s military presence along India’s borders and Beijing’s involvement in India’s immediate neighbourhood will be further strengthened consequent to the award of these contracts by Nepal. 

 

An analysis of the military exercises conducted by the PLA in the last two years, except for the recent major exercises, is revealing. It suggests that the number of exercises reported to have been conducted by the Lanzhou MR slightly exceeded those by the Chengdu MR’s Tibet Military District (TMD). During the military activities and exercises held since 2013 especially noticeable was the use of People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) aircraft and helicopters. Since November 2013, helicopters were noticed for the first time being used for regularly patrolling the borders across the Ladakh sector in the Ali MSD.  Also, in December 2013 new recruits were for the first time flown by chartered civil aircraft from Kashgar to the Ali MSD with official reports publicizing that henceforth troops will travel to this region only by air and not by road. From August 2014, PLAAF aircraft of the Lanzhou MR were reported to be engaging in ‘combat confrontation’ exercises including in ‘low meteorological conditions’. Beginning April 2015, J-11 and SU-27 aircraft of the PLAAF of Lanzhou MR came to notice regularly conducting exercises. A regiment of J-11 aircraft of the PLA Air Force (PLAAF) commenced night combat training in Tibet on August 9, 2015. China's official media reported that groups of J-11 heavy fighters were seen taking off from Lhasa's Gongga airfield at twilight on August evening to engage in a ‘confrontation drill’. China's official media additionally reported that the regiment ‘has begun paying much attention to the training of air battle at night’, which has become a routine training program in its annual training plan.

 

China also recently flight-tested its latest Z-18 (White Heron) military transport helicopter developed by the Changhe Aircraft Industry Group (CAIG) in Tibet when it broke a record by attaining an altitude of  9000 metres and flying above Mount Everest. Capable of carrying 27 passengers with a 2-man crew, the Z-18    is the second Chinese military helicopter after the Sikorsky S-70C, that can operate in the high-altitude Qinghai-Tibet Plateau.

 

Similarly regiments of the Second Artillery, Rocket Artillery and Armoured Brigade deployed in the Tibetan Plateau conduct regular training and ‘live-fire’ exercises under conditions of ‘informatisation’. On July 28, 2015 a Regiment of the Second Artillery conducted a live-firing exercise with "new artillery guns" at a location in the Tibet Plateau and at heights between 3700 metres and 4800 metres. The troops “prepared an environment for actual war situations” and conducted an "exercise to address the problems of Combat unit mechanical failure, electrical problems, battle damage repair, and to enhance the soldiers ability in battlefield command and also in practical use of equipments and to support the proper use of artillery. They also carried along 300 electrical equipments".

 

Apparently expanding the scope of the exercise, the PLA General Logistics Department (GLD) started its materials and POLs supply drill codenamed "Supply Action-2015" in the Tibet Autonomous Region on August 8, 2015. Separately, China's official news agency Xinhua reported on August 10, 2015, that the PLA Chengdu Military Area Command started a joint military drill code-named "Joint Action-2015D" in late July 2015 that entered its 'live fire' stage on August 10, 2015 "in a plateau area in southwest China's Sichuan Province". It disclosed this would be the first of five similar drills that will involve a total of more than 140,000 soldiers from over 140 PLA regiments of various types.

 

Continuing its emphasis on Joint Integrated Operations (JIO)’s, designed for the rapid deployment of self-contained troops equipped with heavy power to areas along the border, the PLA plans to complete more than 100 joint exercises involving over 50 army corps this year. He Qimao, head of the Joint Drill Bureau of the PLA General Staff Department's Training Department was quoted as saying that a "joint operation system" will be formed by the Chinese armed forces including army, navy, air force, artillery, armed police, intelligence, reconnaissance and electronic warfare.

 

The unsettled, disputed border with India, restiveness in Tibet and Tibetan areas and Beijing’s determination to appoint a person of its choice as the XIVth Dalai Lama’s reincarnation are factors that will contribute to China continuing to keep its focus on Tibet.                                                                         

 

(The author is a former Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India and is President of the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy.)

 

 

 

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Brief Bio of Nepal Army’s next Chief of Army Staff: Lt. Gen. Rajendra Chhetri

 

August 13, 2015

 

Rajendra Chhetri was born on November 16, 1960. Chhetri is a third generation army man. His grandfather Balendra Bahadur Khatri was a major during the Rana regime, while his father Gopal Bahadur Khatri retired as a colonel. His elder brother Ramindra Chhetri is a major general, while his younger brother Ratindra Khatri retired as colonel.

 

Chhetri joined the Nepali Army in October 1978 and graduated from the Nepalese Military Academuy, Kharipati, one year later. He was a 15^th batch cadet. He will be the first Chief of Army Staff to be commissioned from a Nepali Army academy and will be one of the youngest chiefs in recent past.

 

During his 36-year career, he has been to several United Nations peace missions, including Lebanon, Afghanistan, Haiti and Department of Peace Keeping Operation. He attended the Staff College and the War College at the United States Military Academy in Pennsylvania. Chhetri was military adviser to former COAS General Rookmangud Katawal.  He is regarded as an excellent military planner.

 

Last Sunday, President Dr Ram Baran Yadav assigned Chhetri to take charge as the Acting Chief of Army Staff effective from August 11. This was at the recommendation of the Council of Ministers and in accordance with the Clause (8) 3 of the Army Act, 2063.

 

As stated in a communiqué issued by Chakra Bahadur Budha, Spokesman at the Office of the President, COAS Gaurab Shumsher Rana will stay on home leave as he is taking compulsory retirement after one month. Rana will formally retire on September 10. 

 

 

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Beijing decides on issue of Dalai Lama reincarnation: "China will choose. Period."

 

August 9, 2015

 

 

Article published in today’s issue of The Sunday Gardian, written by Jayadeva Ranade: Xi Jinping asserted that the Communist Party would pick ‘the next Dalai Lama, period’.

 

 

China's communist regime very recently moved to dispel any lingering doubts as to Beijing's future course of action on the issue of the Dalai Lama's reincarnation. On 6 August 2015, China's authoritative, official news agency Xinhua reported that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee (CC)'s highest body convened in Beijing on 30 July 2015. Presided over by CCP CC General Secretary and President of China, Xi Jinping, the "closed-door" meeting of the 25-member Politburo (PB) deliberated on the "issue of the next reincarnation of Tenzin Gyatso, the current XIVth Dalai Lama", as part of the measures needed to stabilise the province and counter "separatism". Other issues on the agenda related to the expulsion of former Central Military Commission member Guo Boxiong and his trial on charges of corruption and the problems in the Chinese economy. Xinhua added that the meeting also discussed development and stability in Tibet, and decided to set up a leading group on "united front work".

 

Separately, quoting an anonymous source, the Italian-language Christian news-service Asia News reported that at the conclusion of the PB meeting, Xi Jinping asserted that the Communist Party would pick "the next Dalai Lama, period! If things do not go well, we are ready to take corrective action." Xinhua explained that the Chinese Central government and its authorities "have always been important in the process of reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhism. The historical record shows clearly the vital role of the executive in this area. All Dalai Lama has (sic) always sought the approval of Beijing, which considers the issue important from the point of view of sovereignty and national security."

 

Virtually coinciding with the PB meeting, the People's Liberation Army (PLA) on 1 August 2015, announced the promotion of ten PLA officers to the highest rank of full General. Tibet has figured as a factor in these promotions too, with at least four of the promoted officers serving, or having served, in the Tibet region. Jinan Military Region (MR) Commander Zhao Zongqi served over 20 years in Tibet. People's Armed Police (PAPF) Commander Wang Ning, who worked with Xi Jinping in Fujian from 2007-10 and participated in the Sino-Vietnam War on the Yunnan border, is a member of the Tibet Work Group. The Lanzhou and Chengdu Military Region Commanders, 60-year-old General Liu Yuejun and General Li Zuocheng, who is also 60 years old, have been elevated to the rank of General. The operational jurisdiction of both includes the Tibet region across India's borders and both Commanders were in position at the time of the intrusions in the Depsang Plains and the Chumar area in Ladakh in April 2013 and September 2014 respectively.

 

Last year, Major General Zhang Jiansheng was promoted and posted as a Deputy Commander of the Lanzhou Military Region. He was the first officer from the South Xinjiang Military District in the last 22 years to be promoted directly to Lanzhou and was Commander of Ali Military Sub District (MSD) a decade ago. He brings to the Lanzhou Military Region Headquarters first-hand knowledge of the Tibetan plateau and the western areas of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR).

 

These developments occur in the midst of reports circulating in Beijing that the Sixth Tibet Work Forum, usually held every four years, is likely to be convened around September this year in Beijing. Preparatory work for the Tibet Work Forum, which is the highest-level body where the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) deliberates and decides on policies, budgets and plans for the Autonomous Regions, appears to have already begun with the Central Work Conference on Ethnic Affairs held in Beijing on 28-29 September 2014. China's State Council Information Office also issued the thirteenth White Paper on Tibet this April.

 

Xi Jinping's reported decision, that the CCP will select the Dalai Lama's reincarnation, sets the tone for the Tibet Work Forum. The official announcement that the PB has discussed the issue of the Dalai Lama's reincarnation suggests that China's leadership will appoint the next Dalai Lama and is not open to negotiations on the issue. The PB has probably also formulated plans for responding to the Dalai Lama's future moves. Who heads the newly created Central Leading Group on United Front Work will indicate its importance, but creation of the Central Leading Group certainly implies that the importance of the Tibet issue has been upgraded and it will henceforth be closely monitored by the Party's higher echelons. China will continue to further restrict the Dalai Lama's international space and a stiffening in China's attitude and statements regarding the Dalai Lama can be anticipated.

 

Jayadeva Ranade is a former Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India and is president of the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy.

 

 

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Mass animal slaughter banned at southern Nepal temple

  

July 29, 2015

 

 

Yesterday, authorities of the Gadhimai Temple in southern Nepal (Bara District) announced that it will ban a centuries-old Hindu tradition of mass animal slaughter that attracts hundreds of thousands of worshippers to its festival, held once every five years.

 

According to The Hindu, millions of people participate in the 300--year-old festival, with 80% of them from the Indian states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Attending the festival in Nepal circumvents the ban on animal sacrifice in their own states.

 

It is estimated that more than 500,000 buffalo, goats, chickens and other animals were decapitated at Gadhimai in 2009. In November 2014, the date of the latest festival, the numbers fell significantly do to an international outcry by animal rights activist. Still, some 2.5 million worshippers sacrificed an estimated 200,000 animals last November.

 

 

Hindu devotees believe that by sacrificing animals to the goddess Gadhimai, they will secure health and happiness for the next five years.

 

The temple’s decision – that no slaughter will be allowed during the 2019 festival – followed rigorous negotiations and campaigning by Animal Welfare Network Nepal and Humane Society International/India (HSI). The protest became global.

 

In a press statement, Gauri Maulekhi, a key activist campaigning to ban the slaughter said, “This is a tremendous victory for compassion that will save the lives of countless animals. HSI/India was heartbroken to witness the bloodshed at Gadhimai, and we've worked hard to help secure this ban on future sacrifice."

 

According to legend, the tradition began centuries ago when Bhagwan Chaudhary, a feudal landlord, was imprisoned in Makwanpur. He saw the goddess in a dream in which Gadhimai told him that that all his problems would be solved if he built her a temple and made a blood sacrifice to her.  Immediately upon his release from prison he took counsel from the local village healer. A light appeared in an earthenware jar,  and the gory sacrifice began.

 

"It has been a long effort... we took a firm stand and it has finally worked," said Manoj Gautam, president of Animal Nepal Welfare Network. "We realize that people have been victimized by superstition, so building mass awareness is critical, but I am very hopeful that we will see a bloodless festival in 2019," Gautam told AFP.

 

The temple trust Chairman, Shri Ram Chandra Shah, said in a statement, "Our concern has been this: How do we convince the people, so desperate for the favor of Gadhimai, that there is another way? How do we bring them on our journey? Thankfully, the dedicated efforts of the Animal Welfare Network Nepal (and Humane Society International) has shown us the path and provided the motivation to make this transformation a reality."

 

 

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Next U.S. Ambassador to Nepal -- Alaina B. Teplitz – Bio and testimony

 

July 27, 2015

 

In March 2015, President Obama nominated Alaina B. Teplitz to be the next U.S. Ambassador to Nepal. This will be Ms. Teplitz’s first ambassadorship. Her testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee occurred on June 23.  On July 7, President Obama nominated outgoing Ambassador to Nepal Peter W. Bodde to become the new US Ambassador to Libya.

 

Below is Ms. Teplitz’ biography and testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

 

Biography

 

From 2012 to the present, Ms. Teplitz has been with the Under Secretary for Management’s Office of Policy, Rightsizing, and Innovation (M/PRI) at the Department of State. A career Foreign Service Officer occupying an Assistant Secretary-ranked position, she advises on management policy and chief-of-mission authority issues, as well as managing rightsizing of the U.S. Government overseas presence, coordinating regionalization, engaging in business process reengineering, and improving shared services. Ms. Teplitz chairs the interagency International Cooperative Administrative Support Services Executive Board, focusing on ensuring cost effective delivery of management services overseas.

 

Prior to leading M/PRI, Ms. Teplitz was Minister Counselor for Management at U.S. Embassy Kabul from 2011-2012. She managed a team providing the diplomatic platform for U.S. Government Chief of Mission civilian activities in Afghanistan and planning for the impact of the eventual military force reduction. Ms. Teplitz also served as the Deputy Executive Director of the Near East and South and Central Asia Bureau’s joint executive office from 2009-2011, where she handled the South and Central Asia portfolio, including Afghanistan and Pakistan. Ms. Teplitz was the Director of the Management Training Division at the State Department’s Foreign Service Institute from 2007-2009. Previous assignments include Management Counselor in Dhaka, Bangladesh and Deputy Director of the Joint Administrative Services supporting three U.S. Missions -- the U.S. Mission to NATO, the U.S. Mission to the European Union, and the Embassy to the Kingdom of Belgium -- in Brussels, Belgium. Her previous posts also include: Ulaanbaatar, Tirana, and Sydney.

 

Ms. Teplitz gained her other Washington-based experience as a Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary for Administration and as a Program Analyst in the Bureau of Administration. She served a tour as a Watch Officer in the Operations Center.

 

In Belgium, Ms. Teplitz worked closely with USEURAR to coordinate crisis response and to develop and implement a crisis management exercise. In addition, Ms. Teplitz worked extensively on establishing a quality management program at the Joint Administrative Services to better manage resources and to improve efficiency. As Director of Management Tradecraft training she led an extensive curricula update to ensure the skills and knowledge needed to support the State Department’s quality management efforts were incorporated into management training. Currently, Ms. Teplitz champions efforts to improve knowledge management, the use of data, and risk management.

 

A member of the Senior Foreign Service with the rank of Minister Counselor, she joined the State Department in 1991 and is the recipient of numerous Superior and Meritorious Honor Awards. Ms. Teplitz holds a BSFS from the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service.

 

 

 

Testimony of Alaina B. Teplitz before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee, June 23, 2015.

 

Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member, members of the committee, it’s an honor to appear before you today as the President’s nominee for U.S. Ambassador to Nepal. I’d like to recognize some of my family who are with me today and without whom I would not

be at this table before you: my sons Max and Miles Mellott.

 

Mr. Chairman, right now when people think of Nepal, they invariably think of the horrific earthquake of this past April, and the tremendous damage it wrought. That tragedy has brought together the people of Nepal, the country’s neighbors, and the international community to help the victims recover and the country rebuild.

 

And while much has changed in Nepal since the earthquake, our overall priorities for the country remain the same: to strengthen its democracy, advance its economic growth, and improve its resiliency. If confirmed, I will work to advance these goals and build on the achievements of my predecessors and our sixty years of positive engagement with Nepal.

 

I’ll speak first about the last objective, improved resiliency, and then discuss the other two priorities.

 

At the top, I’d like to extend the Department’s profound gratitude to Congress for its

support for seismically-safe housing for U.S. Embassy personnel in Kathmandu. It saved the lives of our mission personnel and enabled them to immediately assist with rescue and relief efforts, thus saving more lives and reducing the quake’s impact on Americans, Nepalese, and others.

 

The first responsibility of every U.S. Ambassador is to ensure the safety and security of

American citizens, and, if confirmed, I will continue to prioritize investments that will protect our personnel and citizens in Nepal. And as Nepal moves to the reconstruction phase, we will work with its government and its neighbors in Asia to help it to “build back better” – to provide protection to the most vulnerable, to improve resiliency against future disasters, and to ensure that investments in Nepal’s infrastructure are economically sound and environmentally sustainable.

 

I will now turn to the second priority, advancing Nepal’s economic growth. As we work to help Nepal’s economy grow and advance, we must look to leverage its location among the booming economies of South Asia. With more investments in infrastructure, the creation of a business and investment-friendly environment, and a more integrated regional market, Nepal’s entrepreneurs could harness the region’s economic potential and create tremendous prosperity for their nation. Nepal’s recent eligibility for a Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact should help it develop some of that economic potential. If confirmed, I will actively look for opportunities to improve the business environment and support American investment in Nepal.

 

I would lastly like to discuss our priority of strengthening Nepal’s democracy. In 2006, the country emerged from a decade of civil conflict with a commitment to creating a constitution that would seal a lasting peace. The American people can be proud of the role they’ve played in Nepal’s transition from violence to peaceful politics. That process is still underway, and there has been some significant progress lately – Nepal became eligible for an MCC Compact because of its democratic progress. But much remains to be done, and our government will help Nepal where we can to advance its constitutional process and cement a hard-won peace.

Maintaining that peace will require a firm commitment to human rights, and, if I am confirmed, the promotion and protection of human rights will remain a central priority for Mission Kathmandu. This especially includes protections for Tibetan refugees, for women, for disadvantaged populations, and for those vulnerable to trafficking.

 

Mr. Chairman, I am aware of the many challenges we will face in these efforts, from maintaining good coordination with Nepal’s government and our international partners, to ensuring our resources are being spent effectively. My career in the Foreign Service has been dedicated to the efficient management of resources, whether for our missions in Kabul, Dhaka, or Belgium, here in Washington at the Foreign Service Institute or in the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs.

 

With the support of Congress, our government is preparing for a large recovery and

reconstruction effort in Nepal, and, if confirmed, I hope to draw on my management experience and expertise to help ensure the people of Nepal get the best assistance we can give, and that the U.S. taxpayers get the biggest bang for their buck. As that assistance effort progresses, I would, if confirmed, look forward to working closely with this Committee and others in Congress to ensure our work reflects our shared priorities.

 

Thank you and I look forward to your questions.

 

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China bears down on Dalai Lama by re-writing Tibetan history -- again

 

July 15, 2015

 

 

One the first things Mao Zedong did after proclaiming his formation (and dictatorship) of the People's Republic of China, was to have his People’s Liberation Army invade Tibet. He did this under the guise of “liberating the oppressed people” of that ancient nation, falsely claiming that China had always ruled Tibet. Since then, the Chinese have rewritten Tibetan history and taught it in school as gospel. Recently, in an effort to further sideline the Dalai Lama, China has formally pushed back China’s control of Tibet to the 7^th century, based on the fact that Tibetan King Songtsen Gompo married a Chinese princess.

 

My colleague Jayadeva Ranade addresses this new development in his article published yesterday in The New Indian Express.

 

“The Great Tibetan Stand-off between China and the Dalai Lama"

 

The year 2015 is a significant one for Tibet and China. The Dalai Lama celebrated his 80th birthday on July 6, 2015. It also marks the fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) by the Chinese communist regime.

 

Though the Dalai Lama continues to be in exile, his birthday was celebrated in several places across Tibet and abroad. In India, two central government ministers for the first time attended the function in Dharamsala in their official capacity. In Delhi, three former foreign secretaries spoke at a well-attended symposium on July 4, while the reception on July 6 evening was also attended by two central ministers. Both functions were organized by the Dalai Lama’s Delhi Bureau.

 

In China too, the issues of Tibet and the Dalai Lama have received perceptibly increased attention over the past couple of years. Recent reports filtering out of Beijing suggest that the Tibet Work Forum, usually held every four years, is likely to be convened in August or September this year in Beijing. The Chinese Communist Party Central Committee’s (CCP CC) United Front Work Department (UFWD) convenes such work forums separately for Tibet and Xinjiang almost every four years. The work forums are the highest-level body where the CCP CC’s Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) deliberates and decides on policies, budgets and plans for the Autonomous Regions.

 

 

Preparatory work for the Tibet Work Forum appears to have begun with the Central Work Conference on Ethnic Affairs held in Beijing on September 28-29, 2014 and attended by all members of the PBSC except Zhang Gaoli, and leaders of every province and the People’s Armed Police. Later on April 14, 2015, China’s State Council Information Office issued a white paper titled: ‘Tibet’s Path of Development Is Driven by an Irresistible Historical Tide’.

 

This is the thirteenth white paper on Tibet issued so far since the 1990s, and highlights the importance of the Tibet issue for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership. In contrast, only one white paper has been issued for the Nei Mongol Autonomous Region and only two for the restive and troubled Xinjiang-Uighur Autonomous Region.

 

This latest 17,931-word, six section white paper is toughly worded and makes at least one important additional new demand on the Dalai Lama. Emphasizing that “Tibet has been an integral part of China since ancient times, and has never been an independent nation”, it insists: “Only when he makes a public statement acknowledging that Tibet has been an integral part of China since antiquity, and abandons his stance on independence and his attempts to divide China, can he improve his relationship with the central government in any real sense.” The Foreword to the white paper also stresses that “Tibet has been a part of China’s territory since ancient times, and the Tibetans have been one communal member of the Chinese nation”. The stress on ‘antiquity’ is embedded in the text of the white paper, which, in a departure from past white papers, this time makes a major alteration to the long-standing Chinese position on the Dalai Lama. It pushes China’s claim over Tibet back to the 7th century from the 12th century. Stating that there was a close connection between the Tibetan people and the Han and other ethnic groups, it said “there has never been a break in economic, political and cultural exchanges between Tibet and the rest of China”. The important new addition was that “The Tubo regime established in Tibet in the 7th century was a local government of ancient China, which made an important contribution to developing China’s southwest frontier.” It conceded, however, that “it was during the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368) that China’s central government formally incorporated Tibet into the central administration”. 

 

References to Tibet also figured in China’s Defense white paper issued on May 26, this year. After over five years, the latest defense white paper, while assessing China’s domestic security situation made specific mention of Tibet, indicating the upgraded importance of the Tibet issue to the CCP leadership. Acknowledging that “China faces a formidable task” in maintaining “political security and social stability”, it disclosed “separatist forces for East Turkistan independence” and “Tibet independence” have inflicted “serious damage” and China faces “more challenges in terms of national security and social stability”.

 

There are other indicators that preparations for the Tibet Work Forum have begun. The Investigation and Research Group of the State Council visited Tibet from June 10 to 17. They conducted comprehensive investigations including on maintenance of stability, economic and social development, building infrastructure and constructing basic-level political power in all five prefectures and sixteen counties. Investigative groups from the State Council normally travel to the autonomous region before the Work Forum. Chinese President Xi Jinping separately met the Panchen Lama at Zhongnanhai on June 10 and informed him that the CCP CC would send a delegation to Tibet to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the TAR.

 

Earlier, in December 2014, Xi Jinping was prompt in appointing a successor and Politburo member to replace the disgraced former head of the UFWD, Ling Jihua, thereby indicating the importance he accords to the UFWD. He selected Sun Chunlan, widely regarded as an upwardly mobile cadre who has worked closely with Hu Jintao and possibly has links to Xi Jinping.  Sun Chunlan recently travelled to Tibet on an inspection visit from June 15 to 18, when she visited the Potala Palace and Jokhang Temple in Lhasa and the Tashilhunpo Monastery in Shigatse. China’s official media publicised that while addressing Tibetan Buddhists she hoped they would adapt Tibetan Buddhism to the socialist society. Sun Chunlan also met the first batch of 19 ‘religious’ graduates in Beijing on June 25. The official media additionally highlighted that 25 newly recognised reincarnated Rinpoches had joined the second training course for Tibet Newly Recognised Reincarnated Rinpoches in Lhasa.

 

 

The Dalai Lama continues to be popular and respected worldwide and by the Tibetans. On the other hand, a growing concern for China’s leadership relates to the issue of the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation. China is intent on avoiding a situation where there are rival, contending Dalai Lamas. The tone of the white paper on Tibet and insistence that the Dalai Lama acknowledges that China’s claims over Tibet are embedded in antiquity, however, escalates Chinese demands. The upcoming work forum will indicate if Beijing leaves room for maneuver and engagement with the Dalai Lama.

 

Jayadeva Ranade is a former Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat,  Government of India.

 

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The Unimpressive Draft Constitution

 

July 7, 2015

 

In spite of a spate of recent headlines proclaiming that, at long last, a new constitution for Nepal is imminent, the real picture seems to be of a frantic parliament throwing together a document that looks like a constitution, hoping against all odds that no one will notice.

 

Many politicians have confessed, off-record, that this fast-tracking draft is seen as a bandage to prevent international donors from cutting off quake-linked aid – thus holding the gun to parliament until it gets its act together and produces a bona fide constitutionthat will pass the test of time.

 

The public at large is already stepping back and rethinking just who, in this lackluster government, best represents its interests and can resolve its current multi-level struggle. Only yesterday, Nepali Muslim and Christian leaders, for instance, pronounced the draft  a sham – failing to honor pledges made by previous governments to protect their rights. Religious leaders will have to make way for other group, who have complaints of their own.

 

Yesterday, in The Indian Express, Nepali journalist Yubaraj Ghimire published “Next Door Nepal: No closure in Kathmandu”, an analysis of the contents of the draft and what it bodes for Nepal’s future. Recommended Reading.

 

 

The delivery of the draft constitution — the projected moment of euphoria — witnessed strange scenes in the Constituent Assembly (CA), when not only members of the opposition but also those from the ruling Nepali Congress stood up to say that the draft was not acceptable.

 

Members of the Madhesi parties tore up the draft as soon as it was placed before the House by the chairman, Subhash Nembang, saying that the document has deferred the question of federalism, which now stands referred to a yet-to-be-formed federal commission that will settle the demarcation of boundaries for the eight provinces to be formed on the basis of “capability and identity”.

 

After a brief discussion in the House, the draft constitution is all set to be given final shape and delivered as the constitution of the “Federal Republic of Nepal” by July 15, as per the agreement among the leaders of the bigger parties reached on June 8. But the draft’s poor content has caused confusion, given its contradictions and shortfalls. Surendra Prasad Chaudhary, a senior CA member, said the House was deliberately committing contempt of the Supreme Court, which had asked it to settle the issue of federalism and incorporate it as part of the constitution. Besides, the court had also ordered that the June 8 agreement be stayed. Another member, Pradip Giri, announced his “boycott”, although the parties had agreed to shun all forms of protest. This shows that not only is the deadline going to be missed again, but that more political chaos is going to follow.

 

While almost a dozen members of the Nepali Congress expressed their reservations, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal, the fourth largest party, said it would not accept a constitution that refused to solicit the people’s mandate on issues that pit monarchy against republic, federalism against a unitary system and a secular identity against a “Hindu” Nepal.

 

What is being criticized is not merely the manner in which the draft was presented. The draft’s contradictions, ambiguities and its lack of direction make it difficult, if not impossible, for the deadline to be met. The “Introduction” contains a single sentence of 220 words and promises to make Nepal a socialist country, heaping praise on the armed struggle and other past movements to assert the “people’s sovereignty”. It blames the “unitary and absolute” regime for all the disparities — of caste, region, etc — prevailing in the country today. It flatly refuses to acknowledge the historical fact that Nepal, through centuries, had remained independent when all the other countries of the region were colonized. However, the eulogy for the armed struggle contains the threat of legitimizing the politics of violence. It appears to invite violence into a country that

has already witnessed a decade-long armed insurgency by the Maoists against the monarchy and parliamentary system that ended up killing about 17,000 people between 1996 and 2006.

 

Interestingly, the draft almost admits that it is a temporary statute, since it has stayed away from the earlier position of the parties that “federalism, republicanism and secularism” should be the identity of the state, with no right to review it. As the parties stand discredited, and there is a growing demand that the agenda be settled by the people, the draft simply says that, in future, parliament would have the right to amend these provisions with a two-thirds majority. The draft dropped the word “secularism”, substituting it with “religious freedom”, and deferred the coming into of effect of “federalism”.

 

Worse, the draft comes at a time when the row between the legislature and the bigger parties on the one hand and the judiciary on the other has escalated, with the former trying to encroach upon the independence of the latter, although the draft itself promises an “independent judiciary”. In the coming days, Nepal is sure to witness further divisions over constitution-making. The judiciary is unlikely to give up its role, warning that a constitution cannot be a mere political document.

 

 

[email protected]

 

 

 

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Nepal’s International Conference of Reconstruction: $$$ amounts of biggest donors.

 

June 26, 2015

 

 

Yesterday, Nepal received 4.4 billion dollars of pledges at the international conference held in Kathmandu – two-thirds of the estimated amount ($6.7 billion) needed over five years for reconstruction. Half of the money pledged is in the form of grants and the rest is in the form of “concessional loans”, according to Finance Minister Ram Sharan Mahat.

 

Even before the April and May earthquakes, Nepal was one of the poorest countries in the world, ranking 145^th out of 187 countries on the United Nations development index. The quakes killed more than 8,600 people and destroyed over 500,000 homes, 8,000 schools, 1,1023 health centers and pushed 700,000 more people into poverty. One in four of Nepal’s 28 million people lives on a daily income of less than $1.25.

 

Delegates representing 53 nations, donor agencies and development partners attended yesterday’s conference.

 

The biggest pledge came from Nepal’s southern neighbor, India, which offered $1 billion in grants and low-interest loans. “Nepal and India are joined in both their joys and sorrows. Therefore, we need to closely coordinate our disaster response, and help each other in the wake of such calamities,” Indian External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said.

 

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said his country would provide $483 million.

 

Asian Development Bank (ADB) President Takehiko Nakao pledged $600 million.

“ADB will make the best use of its long-term experience in rehabilitation and reconstruction work after serious disasters,” he said. ADB is a major donor for Nepal and has supported several development projects in the past.

 

Japan said it would give $260 million.

 

Some reports say the United States has pledged $130 million. But US Ambassador to Nepal Peter Bodde is quoted as having announced $200 funding.

 

European Union’s Neven Mimica said it would give $112 million to Nepal’s government for spending on reconstruction.

 

The British government’s response to the earthquakes now stands at $109,000,000.

 

The World Bank had already announced $500 million for Nepal, prior to the conference. Its aid will consist of $200 million for housing reconstruction in poor rural areas and another $100 million for the government's budget and to strengthen the banking system. The bank said an additional $100-200 million will be redirected from existing World Bank projects in Nepal and invested in reconstruction efforts.

 

 

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Kathmandu, uplifted by April earthquake, is 5.2 feet (1.6 meters) higher in elevation

 

June 22, 2015

 

 

NASA and its partners are contributing important observations and expertise to the ongoing response to the April 25, 2015, magnitude 7.8 Gorkha earthquake in Nepal. This earthquake was the strongest to occur in that area since the 1934 Nepal-Bihar magnitude 8.0 event. It has caused a significant humanitarian crisis with widespread building damage and triggered landslides throughout the region.

 

Scientists with the Advanced Rapid Imaging and Analysis project (ARIA), a collaboration between NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Pasadena, California, and the California Institute of Technology in Pasadena, analyzed interferometric synthetic aperture radar images from the PALSAR-2 instrument on the ALOS-2 satellite operated by the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) to calculate a map of the deformation of Earth’s surface caused by the quake. This false-color map shows the amount of permanent surface movement caused almost entirely by the earthquake, as viewed by the satellite, during a 70-day interval between two ALOS-2 images acquired on February 21 and May 2, 2015.

 

In this new map, the colors of the surface displacements are proportional to the surface motion. The red tones show the areas where the land around Kathmandu has moved toward the satellite by up to 4.6 feet (1.4 meter), or 5.2 feet (1.6 meters) if purely vertical motion is assumed. The area farther north with various shades of blue moved away from the satellite, mostly downward, by as much as 3.9 feet (1.2 meters). Areas without color have snow, heavy vegetation or open water that prevents the radar measurements from measuring change between satellite images. The background image shows the shaded relief and colored elevation from the NASA Shuttle Radar Topography Mission (SRTM). Black arrows show the horizontal motion measured by continuously operating Global Positioning System (GPS) sites (yellow and black triangles). Scientists use these maps to build detailed models of the fault slip at depth and associated land movements to better understand the impact on future earthquake activity.

 

These data have been integrated into the U.S. Geological Survey ShakeMap (available at:  http://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/eventpage/us20002926#impact_shakemap) to update their estimate of the intensity of ground shaking caused by the main shock of the quake. The PALSAR-2 data were provided by JAXA through the Committee on Earth Observation Satellites (CEOS) in support of the response effort. Dashed black lines show the country borders.

 

IMPACT MAP

 

The KMZ file for viewing the radar measurement image in Google Earth is available at:

http://aria-share.jpl.nasa.gov/events/20150425-Nepal_EQ/interferogram/ARIA_Coseismic_ALOS2_interferogram_PathA157_20150221_0502_1_5m.kmz .

 

For more information about ARIA, visit:

 

http://aria.jpl.nasa.gov .

 

Image Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech/JAXA

 

 

Last Updated: June 22, 2015

 

 

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Ten charts capturing how Nepal, district-by-district, is struggling to survive after earthquake

 

June 20, 2015

 

Charts provided by Quartz/India.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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4 tremors today, jolting an already ravaged Nepal

 

June 17, 2015

 

 

Four additional quakes with magnitudes between 4 and 5.2 rocked Nepal earlier today, taking the total number of aftershocks to 320 after the devastating earthquake struck the country in April.

 

The first aftershock of 4.4 magnitude was recorded at 5.58 am (local time) with epicenter at Ramkot, 7 kilometers west of the capital Kathmandu.

 

The aftershock was strong enough to get people fleeing for open areas.

 

A 5.2 magnitude tremor recorded at 6.14 am (local time) with epicenter at Sindhupalchowk district was shortly followed by another aftershock of magnitude 4 with epicenter in the same area.

 

The fourth tremor of 5.1 magnitude was recorded at 8 am (local time) with epicenter at Sindhupalchowk-Tibet border area.

 

Nepal is still recovering from two major quakes and scores of aftershocks that have killed 8,800 people and left a trail of destruction that will take years to recover from.

 

 

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Risky Business: Nepal reopens quake-damaged World Heritage Sites to woo tourists

 

June 16, 2015

 

 

Yesterday, in an effort to bring in tourist dollars, the Nepali government reopened six heritage sites, in spite of warnings from UNESCO.

 

Sites include Pashupatinath, Swayambhunath, Lumbini, Kathmandu Durbar Square, Patan Durbar Square and Bhaktapur Durbar Square.

 

The historic value of the three Durbar Squares of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Patan, are invaluable to the culture and economy of Nepal. They date back to the period between the 12^th and 18^th centuries, when the Kathmandu Valley was divided into three Hindu kingdoms. They and the temple complexes of Changu Narayan and Swayambhu were the most damaged by the earthquakes. Two other heritage areas in the valley, Boudhanath stupa and Pashupatinath temple, suffered only minor damage and remained open to the public after the earthquakes.

 

And it is true that Nepal’s tourism industry has been devastated by the disaster that struck the country almost two months ago. Out of a total 741 shrines across Nepal – major tourist draws – 133 were completely destroyed. The Nepal Economic Forum, a Kathmandu-based think tank, says 80 per cent of hotel reservations have been cancelled since the quake. There’s no doubt that this lack of tourist dollars will further detain renovations and reconstruction overseen by a cash-strapped government. It’s estimated that in the first year a  Rs. 1.8 billion budget is required for restoration and renovation of  shrines, which will be but the first phase of reconstruction.

 

But how wise is it to rush things and spin an optimistic assessment of the sites’ safety? What are the risks for further damage to the monuments as well as gambling with sightseers’ safety? 

 

In a statement released last week, UNESCO raised serious safety concerns calling the situation “precarious” and advised against reopening. urgeing the tourism and archeological bodies “to carefully plan the reopening process, prioritizing safety and security.”

 

Yesterday, Christian Manhart, head of UNESCO’s Nepal office in Kathmandu, told the New York Times that he believed that two of the sites, in particular, were still either unsafe or vulnerable to theft because the rubble from the earthquake was not yet cleared:

 

“At Kathmandu Durbar Square there is the huge palace museum — one very big building which is totally shaky,” he said. “The walls are disconnected from one another so this big wall can fall down at any moment. There is still a risk that buildings might collapse.”

 

Mohan Krishna Sapkota, spokesman for the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation sees it differently:

 

“Tourists will have to take guides with them who will know about the safe routes around the monuments.”

 

When asked about the museum, Nepal’s Tourism Department said yesterday that the museum would remain closed.

 

Mr. Manhart, however, insisted that even allowing visitors close to the museum could be dangerous. Referring to the ministry, he said, “They say that there is some pressure to reopen those sites so they can request entrance fees, which is badly needed.”

 

Perhaps Simon Watkinson, a British travel agent in Nepal, should have the last word. In an interview with Agence France Presse, he said the reopening of the heritage sites would not bring back tourists. “It does not change anything given that foreign countries have issued advisories saying that Nepal is unsafe,” he said.

 

In the meantime, Nepal continues to have aftershocks above 4.0.

 

  

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55 die in Nepal landslide, scores missing as monsoon season begins

 

June 12, 2015

 

 

According to Republica, a massive landslide triggered by incessant rainfall hit six VDCs in Taplejung District on Wednesday night, leaving 55 people dead as of Thursday evening, local time. Scores are missing.

 

The affected VDCs are Khokling, Liwang, Santhakra, Thinglabu, Lingtep and Khamlung, with Liwang, where 26 people were killed, the hardest hit in terms of casualties. There were no casualties in Khamlung.

 

The dead include 9 in Khokling, 12 in Santhakra, 5 in Thinglabu and 3 in Lingtep, apart from the 26 in Liwang, according to locals.

 

The death toll may rise as the search and rescue operation is still underway.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The landslide has placed the human settlements near the Tamor and Mewakhola rivers at risk. The landslide has converted Ramduwali Bazaar into a riverbank and swept away nine households from there. They are still out of contact.

 

The dense human settlement at Dobhan, or the confluence of the two rivers, is also vulnerable to landslide, according to the area police office. There are around 100 houses at Dobhan.

 

"We've already urged the locals to move to safer locations from the riverside areas," said police inspector Devi Prasad Phago.

 

Meanwhile, Chief District Officer (CDO) Damaru Prasad Niraula informed that the rescue operation has been hampered by bad weather conditions and rainfall. The Meteorological Forecasting Division (MFD) has recorded 129 mm rainfall in a period of 24 hours on Wednesday.

 

"Even the trekking routes to the landslide area have been swept away, which has adversely affected the rescue work," he said.

 

 

 

CDO Niraula claimed that security personnel are trying their best to expedite the rescue operation despite the bad weather.

 

Police say they are finding it difficult to rescue people as rains have caused water level to rise in rivers and rivulets. A rescue helicopter flew to Taplejung from Kathmandu but could not land in any of the landslides-hit villages due to adverse weather. Police and locals are digging the landslide debris to recover bodies.

 

 

A landslide in Myangkhama village of Taplejung has also blocked part of the Mechi Highway, making it difficult for additional rescue teams to arrive in the distric

 

A Nepal Army (NA) rescue team from the capital airlifted 10 injured to the district hospital from Liwang and Lingtep on Thursday morning. Dr Kumud Bhattarai, who is involved in the treatment of the injured, said that the condition of most of the victims admitted to the hospital is critical.

 

"The patients have sustained serious injuries to the head, legs and other parts of the body," said Dr Bhattarai.

 

Meanwhile, issuing a press release, NA's Directorate of Public Relations said that helipads are being constructed at the landslide-hit areas to facilitate the rescue operations.

 

Jharendra Thapa, a local eyewitness in Khokling, recounted his own experience:

 

It rained heavily, stopped for some time, and then continued again incessantly. Thunder and lightening accompanied the rain. We felt scared and we stayed on the alert. All of a sudden, nearby rivers and rivulets became filled with muddy water. Then we learnt about the landsides taking place upstream. Informing all our neighbours, we ran helter-skelter to save our lives. Many of us who managed to run to safety on time have survived. Our village turned into a landslide area in a while.

 

Two children who didn't know about the landslide died on the spot. Lam Kumari Lamgade was swept away while trying to escape from the village. Even the place we moved to was not safe from landslides, but it was somewhat safer than our village.

 

 

 

 

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Xi Jinping detention for 30 generals on corruption charges: Implications for China’s army

 

June 7, 2015

 

 

The following analysis was posted by colleague Jayadeva Ranade, written for yesterday’s edition of The Sunday Dispatch:

 

 

 

By mid-2015 there has been no reduction in intensity of the anti-corruption campaign unleashed by Chinese President Xi Jinping within weeks of the 18th Party Congress in November 2012. It continues to be vigorously implemented and remains unprecedented in duration and scope. It has also impacted on the economy with a flight of capital abroad estimated at over US$145 billion, with the accompanying austerity drive adversely impacting restaurants, hotels, jewellery sales etc., resulting in a nearly 2% drop in GDP.

 

At the Third Plenum of the National People's Congress (NPC) — China's version of a Parliament — in November 2013, Xi Jinping brought China's 2.3 million-strong People's Liberation Army (PLA) within the purview of the Party's anti-corruption watchdog body, the Central Discipline Inspection Commission (CDIC). With a single bold, deft move Xi Jinping immeasurably tightened his and the Party's grip on the PLA and diminished the PLA's sense of privilege. No PLA officer can now ignore the Party's directives with impunity. The fact that the CDIC is chaired by Wang Qishan, a fellow "princeling", school friend and member of the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC), who outranks all members of the Central Military Commission except for its Chairman Xi Jinping, ensures that there can be no interference with CDIC investigations. This move was followed by stringent rules on financial discipline and audit teams were sent to inspect PLA headquarters and Military Regions.

 

CDIC investigations have been swift and thorough. Within weeks, China's official media reported that Major General Gu Junshun was under investigation and that he was part of a network, which included senior officers. Numerous PLA generals were soon listed by the CDIC's official website as either under detention or investigation. Many, like Vice Admiral Ma Faxiang and Rear Admiral Jiang Zhonghua, committed suicide to avoid shame and allow their families to receive post-retirement financial benefits. In a stunning move, this year in January and February alone, 30 generals were placed under detention for investigation on corruption charges. Considering that the PLA has 32 generals, 134 lieutenant generals and 978 major generals in service, the number is sizeable. A total of 4,300 officers, or 30% of the PLA's officer cadre are currently under investigation.

 

The campaign certainly has political overtones. Many of those under investigation are linked with Generals Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou, former Vice Chairmen of the Central Military Commission, who owe loyalty to former Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin and whom Xi Jinping's predecessor Hu Jintao found difficult to remove. The vacancies created will undoubtedly be filled by Xi Jinping loyalists.

 

One area which Xi Jinping has been pushing is modernisation and reform in the PLA. This entails downsizing the PLA by another 800,000 personnel and reorganising the present seven Military Regions. There are indications of reluctance in the PLA to implement the reforms, but the ongoing anti-corruption campaign can be expected to lend strength to Xi Jinping's exhortations to advance military reforms. He has simultaneously enhanced and enlarged the authority and role of political commissars in the PLA.

 

Discontent at the rising incidence of corruption and ostentation in the PLA has been voiced by senior PLA officers for a long time. In the late 1980s, a Hong Kong TV documentary depicted luxury limousines being towed underwater to China under PLA Navy protection. Jiang Zemin had also tried to divest the PLA of its numerous business enterprises. In the run-up to the 18th Party Congress, which was in many ways a watershed event for China, numerous "princelings", who normally keep a low profile, spoke out against the ostentatious lifestyles and extravagance of PLA officers. One "princeling" observed that in a particular year the expenditure on purchase of luxury limousines exceeded the national defence budget.

 

The high-risk anti-corruption campaign in the PLA has undoubtedly created uncertainties. While the anti-corruption campaign will undoubtedly strengthen Party control over the PLA, some observers worry it could blunt the PLA's fighting capability at least in the short term. Credible reports additionally state that Chinese President Xi Jinping and CDIC Chairman Wang Qishan have both received assassination threats. One indication is the report disseminated by Boxun, a US-based news service, on 4 March 2015 — the opening day of China's two big political meetings, the NPC and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). It claimed that a plot by the Central Guards Ninth Unit 8341, entrusted with the task of protecting the senior leadership, to assassinate Xi Jinping had been foiled. Though the report erroneously misinterpreted the promotions of the commander and other senior officers of the Central Guard Unit, it nonetheless adds credence to reports of dissatisfaction with the campaign. Xi Jinping, though, appears determined to push ahead with his agenda and further tighten his already firm grip on the PLA.

 

Jayadeva Ranade is a former Additional Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of India. He is president of the Centre for China Analysis and Strategy.

 

 

 

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POLITICS BE DAMNED: The Post-Earthquake Unreliability of Nepal’s Government

 

June 5, 2015

 

The following open letter from Geneva, written by Kedar Neupane, was sent five days ago to the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. (Translation of letter has been condensed and edited by Mikel Dunham.)

 

Mr. Kedar Neupane is the president of “We for Nepal”, an association based in Switzerland. He is a retired member of the United Nations staff, who has worked for over 38 years in countries of Asia, Africa and Europe.

 

His e-mail is [email protected]

... 

 

Attention: Chief Secretary Mr.Leela Mani Paudyal:

 

Five weeks have elapsed since the 25 April 2015 earthquake, which shook Nepal and continues to shake Nepalese confidence. Local media continues to report that government assistance is not reaching the more remote areas, where the most vulnerable people are. It is remarkable that many individuals, youths and NGOs are offering relief items. However, the political establishment and the ruling government in Kathmandu appear unable to agree on a command-and-control structure for post-disaster coordination and a way forward in crisis.

 

Commendable ideas have been floated by distinguished personalities, economists, administrators and experts. But is anyone in the government listening? Judging from media reports, the answer is ‘No’. The establishment suffers from a disease called “consensus-building” on everything this nation faces. What Nepal is really clamoring for is a “unity government”. The notion of “consensus-building” has already mangled the government’s primary duty to the people of Nepal: For seven years the government has been unable to fulfill its promise to write a new constitution.

 

The government must take a few urgent steps to demonstrate that it is ready to work with international cooperation and assistance. Normal business of the government should not be combined with the extraordinary requirements of post-disaster recovery and reconstruction. The government faces two important tasks; (1) deliver a new constitution while overseeing day-to-day affairs of the state; (2) deal with post-disaster recovery and reconstruction. These are two distinct responsibilities. Both require very different strategy, mechanism, policy approach, expertise, and management and coordination skills. Disaster management is a specialized skill and it should not be part of political and bureaucratic debate. This calls for a separate and effective management and command structure for post disaster management.

 

 

POST-DISASTER RECONSTRUCTION RECOMMENDATIONS:

 

The government should take the following steps to establish governance credibility:

 

1)    Established an autonomous Post-Disaster National Reconstruction Authority (PNRA), for a two-year term, headed by a capable former bureaucrat.

2)    Assign Nepal Army (already it has displayed a commendable work) to assists the Authority (PNRA).

3)    Establish a separate fund for PNRA to receive reconstruction funds from donors, cut bureaucratic obstacles, ease disbursement procedure so that funds and goods received are not held by the government departments.

4)    Establish staging warehouses in strategic locations (erect rub-halls) and deliver relief and reconstruction materials in these warehouses under the direct control of PNRA and the Nepal Army to deliver relief materials to affected population.

5)    Do not impose taxes and levies on relief and construction materials managed by the PNRA. The government should not contemplate raising government revenues out of this national tragedy by imposing taxes on relief material and supplies. This disaster recovery is not a revenue-making venture for the government.

6)    PNRA should prepare a code-of-conduct for managing the reconstruction program within its structure. If necessary, co-opt reputed ex-officers (untainted former senior bureaucrats, ex-UN/multi-lateral international organizations, Nepalis who have international credibility) and skilled volunteers to assist PNRA, prepare exit strategies -- as and when activities are streamlined and services are mainstreamed with government/local departments.

7)    Ensure that PNRA is NOT headed by any political party protégé and/or party representative.

8)    Planning Commission and PNRA, in close collaboration, prepare post-disaster recovery Marshall Plan for Nepal.

9)    Organize periodic donor briefings and consultations, jointly co-chaired by India and China, and internationalize the disaster recovery and reconstruction plan by soliciting major donor participation (not limited to funding only); consider implementing reconstruction plan by geographic location for clarity of responsibility and accountability and also to avoid duplication of efforts.

10)         Table a conscientious-raising resolution at the UN Security Council (this is the body which can act and assist, not only at the UNGA - which lacks action).

 

The above suggestions are not an exhaustive list of steps but merely an indication of some important confidence-building-process preceedure. The Government of Nepal should seriously focus on this and take a firm decision forthwith.

 

Kedar Neupane

President

We for Nepal

30 May 2015, Geneva.

Ex-UNHCR

 

 

​We for Nepal is a non-profit, non-political, non-religious, non-commercial voluntary association of like-minded people who care for Nepal and Nepalese, based in Geneva, Switzerland.

 

 

 

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Doctors Without Borders chopper crashes in Nepal during relief mission – no survivors

 

June 3, 2015

 

 

At least four persons, including three Nepalis and a Dutch woman working for Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders) were killed on Tuesday when their helicopter crashed while returning after distributing relief materials to earthquake victims in Nepal's mountainous region.

 

Police said the chopper was returning from Dolakha and came down in the Shila Parbat forest of Sindhupalchok district, which borders Tibet.

 

The four bodies were recovered by a soldier from Gorakh Bahadur Battalion, a senior army official said.

 

The chopper, seen flying at low altitude, crashed into a high-tension electric line, according to eyewitnesses.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The victims on the 9N-AJP chopper included the pilot, Captain Subek Shrestha, said Shrestha Mountain Air Manager Basanta Bhandari. The chopper was being chartered by Medecins Sans Frontieres through Mountain Air.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Other members of the Nepali crew were Dr. Sandip Mahat and Sher Bahadur Karki (photo not available).

 

 

 

 

 

 

A Dutch doctor working with Medecins Sans Frontieres, also killed in the helicopter crash has been identified as 32-year-old Jessica Wilford from Eindhoven.

According to Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA) acting General Manager Birendra Prasad Shrestha, the helicopter had left for Dolakha from Kathmandu with relief materials. TIA Air Traffic Controller chief Bharat Sharma added that another helicopter had been dispatched to the site for search and rescue operations.

 

This is the second tragic helicopter accident to have occurred in earthquake-ravaged Nepal in the last month. On May 12, a US military helicopter engaged in quake-relief operations had come down in Nepal, killing six US Marines and two Nepalese soldiers.

 

A Medecins Sans Frontieres spokesperson said that they were “currently working on confirming the identities of the victims of the crash. It is really tragic. Three of our staff were onboard that flight."

 

For carrying out relief work in the quake-hit country, MSF has hired two helicopters from Nepal to run mobile clinic services in far-flung areas like Sindhupalchok, Rasuwa, Gorkha and Dhading.

 

It ran several sorties to Sindhupalchok, the worst affected district in the country, to rush relief and medical aid.

 

A United Nations official on Tuesday said up to 2.8 million Nepalese people are in need of humanitarian aid following the April 25 earthquake and its aftershocks, including more than 800,000 who live in remote, mountainous areas.

 

 

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UNESCO assessment of monument damage incurred from Nepal Earthquakes

 

June 1, 2015

 

Published 27 May, UNESCO Consultant David Andolfatto discusses his work since the earthquake:

 

The recent earthquake in Nepal, and the following aftershocks, have resulted in dramatic damage to cultural heritage. Current response by UNESCO, the Department of Archaeology, and other related stakeholders, is to assess the affected sites. It is clear, even from a superficial glance, that the damage to heritage is unprecedented. However, in order to safeguard, not just the pieces of fallen monuments, but also the hopes to rebuild, it is important to conduct well documented archaeological surveys and to responsibly store the salvaged parts. UNESCO has deployed several experts’ to assess and document the locations; one of them is UNESCO consultant David Andolfatto.

 

David is an archaeologist from France, working in Kathmandu for 8 years. He is currently doing a PhD on western Nepalese archaeology. Between 2009 and 2010, he also worked on documentation of Buddhist sites of the valley. Since the earthquake, David, with professionals from UNESCO, Department of Archaeology, and volunteers, has been assessing damages at several heritage sites. David reckons that one of the most interesting, and challenging, surveys has been at Swayambhu. The assessment began on May 1 upon the request of Rajesh Suwal of the Federation of Swayambhu Management and Conservation. The surveying team comprised of Ludovic Dusuzeau and Pierre Gérard-Bendele, volunteer French architects; Dominique Baudais, an experimented French archaeologist; Debendra Bhattarai, Department of Archaeology; Amrit Man Buddhacharya from the local community; and; Joy Lynn Davis and David from UNESCO.

 

An exciting discovery happened while studying what remained of the Tashi Gomang Stupa (called Mangal Bahudvar Chaitya in Sanskrit). This unique white plastered stupa with multi-tiered niches adorning votive sculptures is to the south-west of the Swayambhu Stupa. Upon closer inspection it was found that there was another stupa inside with sculptures in terracotta. The terracotta sculptures closely resemble those found at Mahabouddha, Patan so it is preliminarily  thought that the sculptures could be from a similar timeframe. The discovery of the inner chaitya could also indicate the practice of adding layers creating a multi-shell structure, something characteristic of larger mahachaityas, to also be true in this unique smaller stupa. Several other artefacts were also found in the ruins, which are now kept in a secure location.

 

Besides these interesting findings, there have also been many challenges. Frescos from the walls of Shantipur (one of the five Purs of Shantikaracharya, as per the creation myth of Swayambhu) have fallen and the structure itself is not stable. It is recommended that the frescos be moved to the nearby Chhauni National Museum. However, David mentions several sensitivities in this case, including the community’s fear to relocate the frescos. Shantipur is an Agam, not just sacred but a secret cult space. Ergo, there are very few people permitted into the inner chambers. David and the team intend to work on the outer chamber, by covering the access to the inner chamber. It is however recommended that rebuilding this secret chamber should be indirectly overseen by the professional team.

 

After the second major quake, on 12 May, the main stupa has suffered a large crack. As of now, safeguarding the stupa during the monsoons, using a temporary solution is a possibility; however use of tarps to cover the monuments is not a practical solution here. A unique challenge at Swayambhu is actually the need to deal with the monkeys. Tarps covering the monuments are invariably removed by the irksome yet popular monkeys of Swayambhu. Besides these, there have been damages to both Pratappur and Anantapur, the two shikhara style monuments flanking the eastern stairway, and two of the Gombas have collapsed.

 

Although David has been engulfed in the assessment of Swayambhu, he has also worked in several other sites since the earthquake. Upon the request of the UNDP team working in Irkhu, Sindhupalchowk, David has surveyed four structures – three temples in Chautārā and one gumba in Mājagaon. The area and the structures are either heavily damaged or in very precarious conditions, a report has been presented to UNDP regarding their current conditions including the immediate measures that need to be taken to document and safeguard the monuments. Many buildings in the Chhauni National Museum are also damaged. The central wing of the Historic Gallery, built 200 years ago by Prime Minister General Bhimsen Thapa show no visible damages, but the two, 150 years old, annex buildings are heavily damaged. Artefacts that could be accessed have already been moved, while the inaccessible ones will have to be transferred by reaching them, using cranes. The complex is very well secured, with 40 security personnel on site, therefore there is a possibility of storing artefacts. Yet there is a need to coordinate with experts specialized in collection transfer and preservation and to properly inventory the transferred artefacts.

 

For the immediate future, David intends to continue working at Swayambhu. Several NGOs, groups of restorers and volunteers may be involved in different stages of work at this site. However, the next foreseeable step is to get approvals from concerned authorities to have people work here, primarily to clean all the modern Gombas and houses. The other immediate concern is to address the crack formed in the main stupa.

 

 

  

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Donor fatigue, ongoing tremors, June monsoons seriously challenge Nepal’s earthquake relief

 

May 27, 2015

 

One month after Nepal’s April 25^th 7.8-magnitude earthquake and it’s 7.3-magnitude follow-up on May 12^th, the aftershocks keep coming. Two days ago, a 5.0-magnitude tremor was recorded in western Nepal's Gorkha district, with a 4.1-magnitude tremor following further east in the Dolakha district.

 

Since April 25, the death toll has risen above 8,600 people and the number continues to rise.

 

Over one half million buildings have been severely damaged or flattened.

 

The UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has confirmed that 8.1 million people are in need of humanitarian support while another 1.9 million require food assistance.

 

According to OCHA, some 315,000 people in the 14 most affected districts remain in areas inaccessible by road while 75,000 others cannot even be reached by air.

 

The U.N. agency UNICEF has reported that an estimated 70,000 children under the age of five now risk malnutrition.

 

The Nepalese government has said it will take over $7 billion, or one-third of the country's gross domestic product, to rebuild, and little reconstruction is expected during the rainy season, predicted to begin in less than three weeks.

 

Jamie McGoldrick, U.N. resident coordinator in Nepal, said on Monday that the

international community's response to Nepal’s devastations has been disappointing.

 

The U.N. appealed for $423 million to be able to provide up to two million survivors with basic relief such as tents or tarpaulin sheets, dry food rations, safe drinking water and toilets for the next three months. As of Monday, the U.N. Financial Tracking System showed $92.4 million has been raised, 22 percent of the required funds.

 

Said McGoldrick: "I am disappointed in the sense that there was such an impressive response in terms of search and rescue - all the teams that came in to do the work, they did very impressively and comprehensively - and maybe they think that's the job done…The talk now is about reconstruction, but we are trying to remind people that in between search and rescue and recovery, there is a phase called relief and we can't forget that."

 

McGoldrick said the slow response was partly due to donor fatigue where governments were being torn between competing humanitarian crises across the world such as the civil conflict in Syria or in Yemen.

 

Nepal's traditional donors were also more "development" focused and were likely holding back funds for long-term reconstruction and recovery projects, he added.

 

But he warned that there was only a small window of opportunity to buy and get relief supplies delivered to survivors in remote mountain hamlets ahead of the annual monsoons which run from June to September.

 

The heavy rains in areas which were already damaged by the earthquakes would "complicate relief efforts all the more" as they would trigger more landslides and block roads, hampering the delivery of aid by trucks.

 

 

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Assessment: After Nepal’s earthquakes, danger of cholera and typhoid outbreak

 

May 25, 2015

 

"With monsoon season coming, there are hundreds and thousands of people without permanent shelter, so finding shelter solutions over the next two months will be extremely important, especially in rural areas," warned Mark Smith, senior director of emergency affairs at World Vision.

Clean water – especially in light of the upcoming monsoon season – is of major concern in Nepal.

Water is already fairly scarce within the Kathmandu valley even at the best of times.

Moreover, with Nepalis resorting to camping outdoors, the lack of proper hygiene facilities and broken sewage systems heighten the risk of diarrheal disease epidemics.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that only 27 percent of the population has access to adequate sanitation, adding that diarrheal diseases, dysentery, cholera and typhoid are the primary causes of death in the country

PLOS Medicine, a peer-reviewed weekly medical journal covering the full spectrum of medical sciences, just published its latest evaluation of Nepal after the recent earthquakes and the vaccine-preventable diseases looming on Nepal’s horizon. PLOS’s dispatch was written by Lorenz von Seidlein and posted on May 21, 2015:

 

 

 

 

In the wake of the recent devastating earthquakes, PLOS Medicine Consulting Editor Lorenz von Seidlein visited Nepal to assess outbreak risks. Lorenz travelled with Anuj Bhattachan, International Vaccine Institute, Seoul, Korea and guidance from Deepak C. Bajracharya and Shyam Raj Upreti  from the Group for Technical Assistance, Kathmandu, Nepal. The assessment was requested by the epidemiology and disease control division of the Ministry of Health of Nepal and facilitated by Stop Cholera. Here he reports on the damage he witnessed and considers the choice of administering vaccines pre-emptively versus reactively in response to an outbreak.

 

The two earthquakes in April and May 2015 seem to have selectively erased much of northern Nepal’s architecture and history. Many buildings in urban Kathmandu were constructed during the last 20 years. These buildings, in many cases multi-storey or high-rise, did not collapse during the recent earthquakes. The older buildings in urban Kathmandu are brick and mortar constructions without a frame. These vintage structures give Kathmandu its characteristic charm but they fell like dominoes during the first earthquake on 25th April. In rural districts the buildings are mostly stone and clay; they are perfectly adapted for the high altitude climate of the Himalayas but offer very little resistance against an earthquake. Most of the stone houses completely crumbled or have large enough cracks to suggest imminent collapse. According to government figures, 488,579 houses were destroyed and 260,026 damaged. The probability of a quick reconstruction is small because of the widespread damage. Furthermore, majority of men of working age are employed abroad, leaving a denuded local labour force.1

 

[Current estimates suggest that more than 8,600 people died and nearly 18,000 people were injured in the two quakes.. As it stands] most health care is required for acute trauma but trauma will be replaced by other presentations during the coming months. Water resources of the 660,000 to 1.3 million people were affected and between 850,000 to 1.7 million need sanitation support. Concurrently 945 health facilities, mostly village health posts, are partially or totally damaged. Health services have been severely compromised. Routine childhood vaccinations had to be suspended in some districts. The makeshift temporary living conditions, disruptions to water supply and sanitation, and strained health services foreshadow an aftershock of a different variety: enteric diseases may seize this opportunity to spread through an already devastated country.

 

Enteric diseases are infections caused by viruses and bacteria that enter the body through the mouth or intestinal system, primarily as a result of eating, drinking and digesting contaminated foods or liquids. Direct contact with contaminated feces or vomit is a secondary method of contracting enteric ailments. The name for this class of diseases is derived from the Greek word enteron, which means intestine. Cholera, typhoid fever, salmonella and Escherichia coli, or E.coli, infections are some of the most common enteric diseases.

 

Two vaccine preventable enteric diseases are endemic in Nepal and have potential for outbreaks. Kathmandu is considered by some the typhoid fever capital of the world. The transmission of the typhoidal Salmonella species is facilitated by poor hygiene and public sanitation conditions. Although the Vi polysaccharide typhoid vaccine was found to be safe and effective in clinical trials in Nepal in 1987, to this day immunization against typhoid fever has not been included into the country’s public health armamentarium.

 

Cholera is another enteric disease endemic in Nepal that has a high outbreak potential. The largest recent cholera outbreak in Nepal occurred in Jajarkot district in 2009. More than 30,000 reported cases and 500 cholera deaths were reported during the outbreak in Jajarkot and surrounding areas in 2009. In 2014 a cholera outbreak was reported in Rautahat district in the low altitude region of Nepal bordering India. In response the MoH undertook a vaccination campaign with oral cholera vaccine (OCV) which has become available through a stockpile mechanism administered by the WHO. This mechanism allows countries to quickly obtain low-cost vaccines including OCV, meningococcal and yellow fever vaccine.

 

There are some mitigating circumstances which could reduce the risk for cholera outbreaks. For example, the landslides, which have made access to the northern villages impossible, also likely prevent importation of cholera into these remote villages. During our assessments of areas outside Kathmandu, we witnessed helicopter deliveries of food and basic medicines by airdrops. On the other hand, should a cholera outbreak occur in these isolated areas, it may take weeks before it is detected and a response mounted. Such delays will result in high case fatality rates.

 

The availability of a safe and protective vaccine against cholera has raised a debate whether OCVs should be used reactively (in response to an outbreak) or pre-emptively (to prevent an outbreak) during the post-earthquake period in Nepal. Of course prevention is smarter, but the damage is widespread; who should receive the vaccine? Predicting where a cholera outbreak will occur remains impossible, the total amount of OCV on the world market is limited, the population currently at high risk for cholera secondary to the earthquake is much larger than the available product, and the vaccine and its administration costs money.

 

Most importantly, large vaccination campaigns are more technically challenging during the aftershocks of a massive earthquake and in isolated areas where access is difficult. Earlier this week we visited a district health officer in Gorkha— one of the most severely affected districts— who had no time to talk with us. When he finally had two minutes available, he told tell us that he is overwhelmed by the demands of disaster management, there are (at the moment) no cholera cases in his district, and a cholera vaccination campaign was simply not on the cards. A range of emergency measures had precedence on this day and will have precedence in the weeks to come. In the absence of evidence and experience policymakers are reluctant to select one community over another.

 

Reactive oral cholera vaccination seems to be the more feasible alternative if the detection of cholera cases and an immediate response can be guaranteed. Reactive vaccinations rely on accurate and complete surveillance. The current Nepalese cholera surveillance protocol demands the immediate reporting of suspected cholera cases (i.e. watery diarrhoea) by the health posts to the district health centre, which are then forwarded to national health laboratory, which will send transport media for sample collection to the affected health post and return the samples to the laboratory. The results are reported to the MoH, which takes appropriate action. That this process can fail was demonstrated in Jajarkot district in 2009 when no earthquake had happened. Cholera cases have to be detected rapidly for timely measures (case management, water supply, sanitation, hygiene education as well as vaccination) to be put in place. Oral cholera vaccination campaigns will require the completion of paperwork, approval by an international coordinating group, shipment of vaccines, planning and implementation of a vaccine campaign. Under optimal circumstances this process can take two months. Circumstances in Nepal are currently not optimal for a rapid response. If a cholera epidemic is progressing slowly, a linear increase in the number of new cases can be manageable. If the number of cases increases at an exponential rate, the containment of the outbreak is unlikely and a catastrophic outbreak similar to the cholera outbreak in Zimbabwe 2008-2009 or Haiti 2010-2011 is the more likely scenario.

 

There is no easy solution. At the moment the path of least resistance is to ramp up surveillance as much as possible to be able react to an outbreak as quickly as possible. Considering the current circumstances, the shocks to the health care system, and the priority for reconstruction nobody will object to such an approach. Yet if this plan doesn’t work out and cholera spreads we will regret the decision not having acted pre-emptively. Indeed the majority of mass cholera vaccination campaigns have been pre-emptive. Considering the damage and the suffering caused by the recent large cholera outbreaks in Zimbabwe and Haiti a large pre-emptive campaign may be the best solution for Nepal.

 

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Nepal earthquakes kill at least 200 Buddhist monks and nuns, 1000 monasteries destroyed

 

May 22, 2015

 

 

An estimated 200 Buddhist nuns and monks died after more than 1,000 monasteries collapsed in the 14 districts hit hardest by the earthquakes, according to the Buddhist Philosophy Promotion and Monastery Development Committee (BPPMDC). The committee, under Nepal’s Ministry of Federal Affairs and Local Development, said that all 215 monasteries in Sindhupalchok district were flattened by the April 25 earthquake and its aftershocks.

 

A total of 150 Buddhist monasteries collapsed in Gorkha, 105 in Dhading, 60 in Rasuwa and 60 in Solukhumbu. There are reports of them destroyed in Nuwakot, Dolakha, Ramechhap, Okhaldhunga, Makwanpur, Lamjung and Syangja as well. “What we have is a preliminary report of damages caused by the quake,” said Bhadra Bahadur Golay, under-secretary at the BPPMDC.

 

The devastating earthquake has destroyed many well-known monasteries including Seto Gumba in Ramkot; Rato Gumba in Sitapaila; Khumchey Gumba in Gorkha; Chrighyang  Gumba in Dolakha and Chirite Gumba in Sindhupalchok.

 

 

Karma Tsering Tashi Lama, president of the BPPMDC who recently visited many of the earthquake -affected areas in Sindhupalchok and Rasuwa with an inspection team, said he did not see a monastery that stands straight. “The monasteries we visited had either fallen or were on the verge of collapse,” said Lama. “Of those that remain, there is eerie silence.”

 

With the collapse of monasteries along with their houses in the area, most Buddhist disciples said they feel helpless. “If only the monastery had remained, people would have gone to pray for the departed souls,” said Udar Man Tamang, 37, of Baskharka Village Development Committee. All the eight monasteries in the VDCs have been destroyed by the quake. “People here have nowhere to go,” he said.

 

The Buddhist committee said it has deployed teams to the districts for a survey of the monasteries . The teams have been collecting the details of destruction in coordination with the local authorities. “Since monasteries are often built on hilltops, landslide has cut off the way for rescue,” said Lama. A total of 2,200 monasteries have been registered with the committee but officials say there are about 5,000 in the country. “The death toll could rise as we have been collecting data only from the registered monasteries,” said Lama.

 

 

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US-Nepal Joint Task Force Begins Drawing Down

 

May 21, 2015

 

Joint Task Force 505 is drawing down its earthquake relief operations as the Nepalese government and international aid agencies have postured for long-term recovery and reconstruction efforts.

 

Nepal announced its transition from relief operations to the recovery phase of disaster response on Tuesday

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"We are grateful for the essential contributions of Operation Sahayogi Haat to the post-earthquake relief efforts,” said Peter Bodde, U.S. ambassador to Nepal. “The joint relief missions conducted by the U.S. and Nepalese militaries brought life-saving aid to those who needed it most and reinforced the United States’ close partnership with Nepal and its people."

 

The responsible redeployment of Joint Task Force 505 units in the coming days is able to occur quickly because the capacity of Nepal and the international community to meet the needs of the relief effort continues to grow and “together they are able to meet the requirements the U.S. joint task force would otherwise provide,” said Bill Berger, the U.S. Agency for International Development’s disaster assessment response team leader.

 

Emergency Food and Supplies

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

During the operation, Joint Task Force 505 delivered about 114 tons of emergency relief supplies, including plastic sheeting, shelter kits, blankets, water, medical supplies and emergency and supplemental food in support of USAID. In addition to delivering aid, the task force transported 534 personnel and conducted 63 casualty evacuations.

 

Demand has decreased for unique Joint Task Force 505 capabilities in further recovery efforts, said Marine Corps Lt. Gen. John Wissler, the task force’s commander.

 

As recovery efforts have progressed over the past weeks, for example, the logistical expertise of the 36th Contingency Response Group, a uniquely qualified Air Force unit out of Guam specializing in airfield management, is significantly reduced at Tribhuvan International Airport. Aid stockpiles are no longer backlogged, as the group has trained Nepalese army and airport personnel during their ongoing operations.

 

During operations, the U.S. military set up an earthquake-resistant blood bank, emergency operations centers and other facilities. It also provided training for the Nepalese military on techniques to quickly repair Nepal’s main airport runways and engaged in bilateral disaster-reduction exercises. 

 

“We will continue to work closely with our Nepalese partners and USAID to ensure we meet the needs that may emerge during the coordinated transition and retrograde of our military capabilities as long as we remain in Nepal,” Wissler said. “Once we have returned to Okinawa, we will reset our ability to respond to any future disasters requiring our support. We stand with Nepal.”

 

This experience has forged a stronger relationship, Wissler said. “I look forward to future training opportunities to further improve our interoperability, refine our bilateral and multilateral processes, and continue to learn from our experiences working side by side,” he added.

 

Air Assets

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Joint Task Force 505 contributed three Marine Corps UH-1Y Huey helicopters and four Marine Corps MV-22B Osprey tiltrotor aircraft to the relief effort throughout Nepal. Additionally, four Air Force C-17 Globemaster IIIs, four Air Force C-130 Hercules and two Marine Corps KC-130J Hercules aircraft, as well as various ground and aviation command and control assets, contributed to the effort.

 

About 900 U.S. military and civilian personnel from the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps contributed to the Nepal relief efforts under the joint task force’s auspices. About 300 task force personnel worked in Nepal, 320 others worked in the main headquarters in Japan, and 280 worked at the intermediate staging base in Thailand.

 

Joint Task Force 505 initiated Operation Sahayogi Haat, -- meaning “helping hand” in Nepali -- to limit further loss of life and human suffering in response to the devastating magnitude-7.8 earthquake that struck central Nepal on April 25, and continued the response after the magnitude-7.4 earthquake that struck May 12. More than 8,600 people died, and more than 16,000 were injured as a result of the earthquakes, according to latest official numbers.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

"We, people, are men and women of the armed forces,” said Maj. Gen. Binoj Basnyat commandant of the Nepalese army’s command and staff college. “We understand each other; we know what the need is. So it has been a tremendous help for us while you were here, and helping us to get things in the proper direction. It's been a great help."

 

 

 

 

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US helicopter crash in Nepal: BODIES OF MARINES AND NEPALI SOLDIERS IDENTIFIED

 

May 17, 2015

 

The bodies of six US marines and two Nepalese soldiers who were aboard a Marine helicopter that crashed during a relief mission in earthquake-hit Nepal have been identified, officials said today.

 

The wreckage of the UH-1 “Huey” was found Friday following days of intense searching in the mountains northeast of Kathmandu, Nepal’s capital. The first three charred bodies were retrieved Friday by Nepalese and US military teams, and the rest were found yesterday.

 

 

 Captain Christopher L. Norgren, from Kansas, was the pilot.

 

 

 

Lance Corporal Jacob A. Hug, from Arizona, was the videographer.

 

 

 

Captain Dustin R. Lukasiewicz, from Nebraska, was the navigation safety officer.

 

 

 

Sergeant Ward M. Johnson IV, from Florida, was crew chief, in charge of helicopter maintenance.

 

 

 

Sergeant Eric M. Seaman, from California, was public relations.

 

 

 

 Corporal Sara A. Medina, from Illinois, was combat photographer.

 

 

 

 

 Nepal Army Captain Tapendra Rawal.

 

 

 

Nepal Army JCO Basanta Titara.

 

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REST IN PEACE .............................................. 

 

 

 

Nepal: Missing US Helicopter Found -- No Survivors

 

May 15, 2015

 

 

The wreckage of a U.S. military helicopter lost on an earthquake relief mission was found today, high on a mountainside in Nepal, with three bodies spotted and the other five people on board presumed dead.

A U.S. search team identified the wreckage as that of the missing Marines UH-1Y Huey helicopter deployed after the Himalayan state was hit by a massive earthquake last month that killed more than 8,000 people.

Crash debris was found just 8 miles (13 km) north of the town of Charikot, said Army Major Dave Eastburn, spokesman for the U.S. military’s regional Pacific Command.

“The assessment of the site is ongoing and a thorough investigation will be conducted,” he added in a statement.

“The wreckage of the helicopter was found in pieces, and there are no chances of any survivors,” Nepal’s defense secretary, Iswori Poudyal said. He did not give the nationalities of the three victims, only saying their remains were charred.

The helicopter was carrying six Marines and two Nepalese army soldiers.

Lt. Gen. John Wissler, commander of the Marine-led joint task force, told reporters in Kathmandu that his team could not immediately identify the cause of the crash or identify the bodies found.

“It was very severe crash, and based on what we saw in the condition of the aircraft, we believe there were no survivors,” he said. “Due to the extremely difficult terrain of the site of the mishap, below-freezing temperatures and violent winds and thunderstorms, I made the decision to cease the recovery efforts for this evening,” he said. “We cannot afford to put US or Nepalese service members at any further risk.”

The recovery mission will resume at first light Saturday.

The discovery of the wreckage, first spotted by Nepalese ground troops and two army helicopters this morning, followed days of intense search involving U.S. and Nepalese aircraft and even U.S. satellites.

The Huey was spotted near the village of Ghorthali at an altitude of 11,200 ft (3,400 m), Nepal Army’s Major General Binoj Basnyat told Reuters earlier, as helicopters and Nepali ground troops converged on the crash site. “It was found on a steep slope,” he added,  explaining that Nepali and U.S. teams were investigating the site and were expected to announce their findings at news conferences later today.

The area’s tallest peak soars to more than 7,000 meters (23,000 ft). Hillsides are cloaked with lush forest that made it hard to find the chopper even though it came down just a few miles from Charikot, the capital of Dolakha district that lies half a day’s drive to the east of Kathmandu.

Charikot is also an army base, serving as a hub for operations to airlift and treat those injured in the two earthquakes.

The first quake, which struck on April 25 with a magnitude of 7.8, has killed 8,199 people. The death toll from a 7.3 aftershock on Tuesday has reached 117, with many victims in Dolakha. The combined toll is approaching the number of just over 8,500 who died in an earthquake in 1934, the worst ever natural disaster to hit the poor Himalayan nation. Some 76,000 more have been hurt while hundreds of thousands of buildings - including ancient temples and monuments - have been damaged or destroyed. Nearly three weeks after the first quake, aftershocks continue to rattle the country.

Nepal mobilized 600 soldiers to search for the Huey. It went missing after the crew was heard over the radio saying that the aircraft was experiencing a fuel problem.

Two more U.S. Hueys, two MV-22B Osprey tilt-rotor planes and Nepali and Indian choppers had been involved in the search for the helicopter, which was part of a joint task force sent in by the United States to provide assistance at Nepal’s request.

The UH-1Y Venom helicopter was assigned to part of the Marine Light Attack Squadron 469, based in Camp Pendleton, California.

 

  

 

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Earthquake aftermath in Nepal’s hilly regions: Thomas L Kelly photos, PART FIVE

 

May 15, 2015

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MORE ABOUT THOMAS L KELLY

 

Over an extensive career as a wanderlust photographer, Kelly has published ten books including Fallen Angels, Mongolia-The Land of Blue Skies, Sadhus the Great Renouncers, TIBET- Reflections from the Wheel of Life and The Tibetan Book of the Dead.

 

Visit his website:

 

THOMAS L KELLY

 

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Earthquake aftermath in Nepal’s hilly regions: Thomas L Kelly photos, PART FOUR

 

May 14, 2015

 

 

My long time colleague and internationally acclaimed photojournalist Thomas Kelly has generously provided me with photographs that document the aftermath of the earthquake in Nepal. Thanks so much, Thomas.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 MORE ABOUT THOMAS L KELLY

 

Over an extensive career as a wanderlust photographer, Kelly has published ten books including Fallen Angels, Mongolia-The Land of Blue Skies, Sadhus the Great Renouncers, TIBET- Reflections from the Wheel of Life and The Tibetan Book of the Dead.

 

Visit his website:

 

THOMAS L KELLY PHOTOS 

 

 

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Brief geological explanation of May 12 earthquake in Nepal

 

May 13, 2015

 

The latest earthquake which shook Nepal yesterday at 12:52 pm was large enough – 7.3 – to trigger its own sequence of aftershocks as stress redistributes around the ruptured fault line.

 

It is part of the same fault system as the April 25 earthquake.

 

 

When a fault ruptures during an earthquake, the stress along the portion of the fault that slipped is relieved while the stress at the locked ends increases. Located between Kathmandu and Mount Everest, yesterday’s event and its aftershocks are far enough east of the older earthquakes that it appears a critical stress threshold was exceeded and the adjacent segment of the fault system ruptured. While unfortunate, this is not uncommon.

 

Cumulative damage is absolutely a problem with this latest earthquake. The intense shaking was a trigger to set off another round of landslides in the dramatically steep terrain, further complicating transportation within the region. It was also enough to collapse already-damaged buildings, although thankfully the causalities from this latest disaster should be lower with people already evacuated from the previous earthquakes.

 

The upcoming monsoon season will no doubt increase the possibility of landslides.

 

 

 

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Just in: New 7.3 earthquake hits Nepal – dozens already reported dead, over 2000 injured, numbers rapidly rising

 

May 12, 2015

 

Today, Nepal has been hit with a magnitude 7.3 earthquake, and aftershocks as strong as magnitude 6.3 are still being felt. It has been just over three weeks since the magnitude 7.8 earthquake hit the country, leaving more than 8,000 dead, scores injured and millions displaced.

Sadly, scientists had predicted that another earthquake was coming—and many more will come in the future in this seismically active region.

The Himalayan region had been overdue an earthquake, since the last one that hit Kathmandu 80 years ago. During the earthquake on April 25, however, not all of the pent-up seismic pressure was released. This left room for more earthquakes in the near future.

 

That near future, however, could have been days—or years—away. Predicting the precise location and timing of an earthquake is not possible. There are simply no signals from the movement of the Earth’s crust that can definitely point to when a quake is triggered.

And then one occurred today, about 18km below the surface and east of Kathmandu. It is not clear yet if this quake has indeed released all the remaining pent-up pressure.

The movement of the Indian plate, which collided with the Eurasian plate and gave birth to the Himalayas, makes the region a seismic hot zone. On average, the Indian plate moves about 18 millimeters towards the Eurasian plate and slips underneath it. This movement loads up some of its energy into earthquake faults, which extend on a line from east to west, and the process is much like loading energy in a spring. And every so often that energy is released in snap, resulting in an earthquake.

Eric Hand and Priyanka Pulla explain in Science (paywall):

Most of the region’s substantial earthquakes have occurred south of the line, where the plates are locked together and strain builds up. North of this “lock line,” however, the Indian plate dives downward and the character of the rock slab changes. Under higher temperatures and rising pressures, the brittle rocks become more plastic, and they creep past the Tibetan crust without rupturing. Or so researchers had thought.

What happened on April 25 makes things worse for the region. When the fault unloaded its stored energy, it tore through a region underneath Kathmandu that had been previously deemed impervious. “We therefore have the potential for bigger earthquakes than we might have otherwise expected,” Gavin Hayes of the US Geological Survey told Science.

This finding raises the possibility of magnitude 9 earthquakes, which would be as large as the earthquake that happened off the coast of Japan in 2011 and triggered deadly tsunamis. This warning is not just for those in Nepal but also for those in India. The central seismic gap that makes this area so earthquake-prone extends all the way into the northern Indian state of Uttarakhand, where its structure is even more poorly understood.

Roger Bilham, a geologist at the University of Colorado, told the Indian Express, “The Indian government’s attitude to seismic studies is apparently to ‘shoot the messenger’.” He claims to have been expelled by the Indian government in 2012 when he ascertained that Nepal is better prepared than India at handling large earthquakes.

 

 

 

Report written by Akshat Rathi, Madhura Karnik and Manu Balachandran.

 

 

 

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Nepal earthquake update of deaths, injured, destroyed houses in hardest-hit districts

 

May 12, 2015

 

According to the Government of Nepal's "Nepal Disaster Risk Reduction Portal", as of today, the following data has been collected. Obviously, the numbers will change, especially those figures that have been rounded off to the nearest thousand.

As of today, 8151 are identified as dead, 14,997 injured, 10,790 government buildings destroyed, 14,997 government buildings partially destroyed, 288,798 private houses destroyed, and 254,112 private houses partially destroyed.

 

Below is the breakdown of data from the 20 hardest-hit districts:

 

1. Sindhupalchowk

3213 dead

859 injured

44310 private houses fully destroyed

18991 private houses partially diestroyed

 

2. Kathmandu

1203 dead

4634 injured

9990 government buildings fully destroyed

12915 government buildings partially destroyed

27640 private houses fully destroyed

33215 private houses partially destroyed

 

3. Nuwakot  

1000 dead

1311 injured

16 government buildings fully destroyed

30000 private houses fully destroyed

15000 private houses partially destroyed

 

4. Dhading

721 dead

702 injured

200 government buildings fully destroyed

28 government buildings partially destroyed

20000 private houses fully destroyed

15000 private houses partially destroyed

 

5. Rasuwa

558 dead

753 injured

8000 private houses fully destroyed

1000 private houses partially destroyed

 

6. Gorkha

410 dead

1030 injured

40 government buildings fully destroyed

14 government buildings partially destroyed

44607 private houses fully destroyed

13236 private houses partially destroyed

 

7. Bhaktapur

319 dead

1861 injured

7000 private houses fully destroyed

2000 private houses partially destroyed

 

8. Kavrepalanchowk

317 dead

2780 injured

2 government buildings fully destroyed

93 government buildings partially destroyed

30000 private houses fully destroyed

18545 private houses partially destroyed

 

9. Lalitpur

177 dead

2529 injured

252 government buildings fully destroyed

259 government buildings partially destroyed

6344 private houses fully destroyed

5851 private houses fully destroyed

 

10. Dolakha

77 dead

304 injured

6 government buildings fully destroyed

5000 private houses fully destroyed

35000 private houses partially destroyed

 

11. Makawanpur

33 dead

127 injured

363 private houses fully destroyed

497 private houses partially destroyed

 

12. Ramechhap

27 dead

34 dead

17072 private houses fully destroyed

23149 private houses partially destroyed

 

13. Solukhumbu

22 dead

80 injured

21 government buildings fully destroyed

13 government buildings partially destroyed

2483 private houses fully destroyed

6176 private houses partially destroyed

 

14. Okhaldhunga

19 dead

53 injured

11 government buildings fully destroyed

12 government buildings partially destroyed

8000 private houses fully destroyed

10000 private houses partially destroyed

 

15. Sindhuli

12 dead

148 injured

18 government buildings fully destroyed

166 government buildings partially destroyed

4159 private houses fully destroyed

8545 private houses partially destroyed

 

16. Sunsari

7 dead

25injured

1 government building fully destroyed

50 government building partially destroyed

2 private houses fully destroyed

21 private houses partially destroyed

 

17. Chitawan

7 dead

95 injured

5 government buildings fully destroyed

6 government buildings partially destroyed

2046 private houses fully destroyed

3217 private houses partially destroyed

 

18. Bara

5 dead

29 injured

5 government buildings fully destroyed

2 government buildings partially destroyed

7 private houses fully destroyed

49 private houses partially destroyed

 

19. Parsa

5 dead

23 injured

14 government buildings partially destroyed

16 private houses fully destroyed

20 private houses partially destroyed

 

20. Lamjung

5 dead

31 injured

32 government buildings fully destroyed

95 government buildings partially destroyed

7430 private houses fully destroyed

 

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Nepal operations on the move: photos by THOMAS L KELLY: PART THREE

 

 

May 10, 2015

 

My long time colleague and internationally acclaimed photojournalist Thomas Kelly has generously provided me with photographs that document the aftermath of the earthquake in Nepal. Thanks so much, Thomas.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 MORE ABOUT THOMAS L KELLY

 

Over an extensive career as a wanderlust photographer, Kelly has published ten books including Fallen Angels, Mongolia-The Land of Blue Skies, Sadhus the Great Renouncers, TIBET- Reflections from the Wheel of Life and The Tibetan Book of the Dead.

 

Visit his website:

 

THOMAS L KELLY PHOTOS

 

 

………………………………………………………………………………….

 

 

 

Photos of the aftermath of Nepal’s earthquake by THOMAS L KELLY: PART TWO

 

May 9, 2015

 

My long time colleague and internationally acclaimed photojournalist Thomas Kelly has generously provided me with photographs that document the aftermath of the earthquake in Nepal. Thanks so much, Thomas.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 MORE ABOUT THOMAS L KELLY

 

Over an extensive career as a wanderlust photographer, Kelly has published ten books including Fallen Angels, Mongolia-The Land of Blue Skies, Sadhus the Great Renouncers, TIBET- Reflections from the Wheel of Life and The Tibetan Book of the Dead.

 

Visit his website:

 

 

Thomas L Kelly photos 

 

 

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Photos of the aftermath of Nepal’s earthquake by THOMAS L KELLY: PART ONE

 

May 8, 2015

 

 

My long time colleague and internationally acclaimed photojournalist Thomas Kelly has generously provided me with photographs that document the aftermath of the earthquake in Nepal. There are so many of his photographs that are worth publishing that I’m going to split them up into several dispatches. Thanks so much, Thomas.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

MORE ABOUT THOMAS L KELLY

 

Over an extensive career as a wanderlust photographer, Kelly has published ten books including Fallen Angels, Mongolia-The Land of Blue Skies, Sadhus the Great Renouncers, TIBET- Reflections from the Wheel of Life and The Tibetan Book of the Dead.

 

Visit his website:

 

THOMAS L KELLY PHOTOS

 

 

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